大学毕业典礼上的“不和谐音”:人工智能的冲击波
上周,中佛罗里达大学(UCF)发生了一件值得深思的事件。Tavistock开发公司(一家房地产开发公司,而非科技公司)的副总裁Gloria Caulfield,受邀在UCF艺术与人文学院的尼科尔森传播与媒体学院毕业典礼上发表演讲。台下的毕业生们,是经过四年训练的作家、艺术家、记者和设计师,他们的技能恰恰是当前人工智能公司宣称其产品能够替代的领域。
Caulfield女士的开场白便赞扬了杰夫·贝佐斯和霍华德·舒尔茨等商业领袖,称人工智能的崛起是“下一次工业革命”。这一言论立即引来了台下听众的嘘声。虽然她试图解释“几年前人工智能还未进入我们的生活”,但观众的反应并非矛盾:他们嘘的是她所描绘的“未来”,而为人工智能尚未出现的“过去”欢呼。这种反应绝非“精神分裂”(Caulfield女士后来如此形容),而是一种完全一致的立场表达。
作为对比,同期英伟达(Nvidia)首席执行官黄仁勋在卡内基梅隆大学(一所STEM院校)发表关于AI的毕业演讲时,却获得了全场起立鼓掌和热烈的反响。原因显而易见:卡内基梅隆的毕业生是AI的建设者,他们将AI视为拓展自身职业价值的工具;而UCF的艺术与人文毕业生,则将AI视为对自己四年所学和投入的直接威胁。同样的技术,同样的宏大叙事,却引发了截然相反的反应,这足以说明这场“革命”目前正为谁服务。一位名叫Hadia Elter的毕业生称Caulfield是“企业喉舌”,认为在艺术家和传播者面前讨论贝佐斯和舒尔茨,无异于“侮辱我们的努力”。而Caulfield女士事后在Instagram上却将之描述为“点燃了我们未来领导者的乐观和潜力”的“非凡之夜”,这不免让人对其解读感到诧异。软件工程师Cable Sasser在Blue Sky平台上的评论一针见血:“当你身处泡沫之中,你会觉得所有人都一样,但事实并非如此。”
起初,我对这段视频的反应与许多人无异:不识时务,不知变通,怎能在一群前途面临威胁的艺术系毕业生面前,宣称威胁他们职业的技术是“下一次工业革命”并指望掌声?我能理解那种感受。然而,作为一名计算机科学博士,我被训练着去质疑:等等,她说的实际上对吗?并非她所理解的“这难道不令人兴奋吗?”那种对,而是从事实和结构层面来看,人工智能真的可以与工业革命相提并论吗?经过一番考证,我发现这个比较远比Gloria Caulfield女士所预期的更为精准,而这正是我们应该感到恐惧的原因。
Original English Source
So, something happened last week at the University of Central Florida that I need to talk about. Gloria Caulfield, a vice president at Tavistock Development Company, that's a real estate and development firm, by the way, not a tech company, was invited to deliver the commencement speech for UCF's College of Arts and Humanities at the Nicholson School of Communication and Media. These are graduating writers, artists, journalists, designers, people who have just spent 4 years training to do things that AI companies are not claiming their products can do. I'm going to link the full speech in the description if you'd like to hear it, but let me give you the brief summary of the highlights that are relevant to our discussion today. Caulfield opened by praising Jeff Bezos and Howard Schultz as leaders of significant accomplishment, already a bold choice for a room full of humanities graduates. The rise of artificial intelligence is the next industrial revolution. Oh. What? What happened? Okay. I struck a chord. May I finish? She then tried to recover with only a few years ago AI was not a factor in our lives. The crowd cheered, which, and I cannot stress this enough, is not a contradictory response. They booed the future she was selling them, and they cheered the past when it didn't exist. This is not bipolar, which is what Caulfield called it. That's entirely consistent. Now, for context, the same graduation season, Jensen Huang, the CEO of Nvidia, gave a commencement speech about AI at Carnegie Mellon University, standing ovation, ecstatic reception, because Carnegie Mellon is a STEM school. Those graduates build AI. They see it as expanding their professional value. UCF's Arts and Humanities graduates see it as a direct threat to the thing they've just spent four years and tens of thousands of dollars learning to do. Same technology, same message, opposite reactions. That alone tells you something important about who this revolution is currently working for. One of the graduates, Hadia Elter, called Caulfield a corporate mouthpiece and said, "To stand in front of a graduating class of artists and communicators and discuss Jeff Bezos and Howard Schultz is to spit on our efforts to flip the script." And Caulfield, she posted on Instagram afterwards describing it as an extraordinary evening where she was humble to spend the night igniting optimism and potential in our future leaders, which is a fascinating interpretation of being booed by several thousand people. Software engineer Cable Sasser put it perfectly on Blue Sky, "When you're inside the bubble, you think everybody else is, but everybody isn't." So, look, I watched this clip and my first reaction was the same as a lot of yours, tone deaf, read the room, don't tell a graduating class of artists that the thing threatening their careers is the next industrial revolution and expect applause. I get it, I felt it. But then I did the thing that having a PhD in computer science has unfortunately conditioned me to do, I asked, "Wait, is she actually right?" Not in the way she meant it, not "Isn't this exciting?" But factually, structurally, is AI comparable to the Industrial Revolution? So, I went and looked and I need to tell you what I found because the comparison is far more accurate than Gloria Caulfield intended, and that is precisely what should terrify us.
工业革命的“黑暗面”:被遗忘的人类代价
让我们谈谈工业革命,但不是教科书上讲述的蒸汽机、工厂、进步的故事,而是那些身处其中者的真实经历。英国工业革命,大约从1760年到1840年,无疑是人类历史上最具变革性的时期之一。它带来了机械化制造、铁路、城市化,并最终塑造了现代世界,这些都是事实。然而,那些在励志毕业演讲中常常被忽略的部分才是关键。
工人,包括年仅五岁的儿童,在没有安全法规、没有人权保障、工资 barely able to cover living costs的工厂里,每天工作12到16小时,每周六天。19世纪初期,英国一些工厂中超过50%的工人年龄不到14岁。雇主偏爱儿童,因为他们身躯矮小,能够爬进机器下方清理堵塞物;而当机器突然重新启动时,他们便失去了手指甚至肢体。在煤矿里,年幼至五岁的儿童被剥去衣服,锁链拴在煤车上,被送入仅有16英寸高的巷道。上班迟到可能意味着一顿毒打,在机器旁打瞌睡则可能导致失去一条手臂。我必须强调,这些并非比喻,而是有史料记载的真实事件。
2026年的科技高管或许会将那个时代描述为“深刻变革的时期”,这固然没错,但它同时也是一个大规模儿童剥削、工业化人类苦难、以及健康状况普遍下降的时期,包括肺结核、呼吸道疾病、营养不良和创伤的增加。这不禁让人联想到一些当今的状况。
Original English Source
Let's talk about the Industrial Revolution, not the version we learned in school, steam engines, factories, progress, moving on, but what actually happened to the people who lived through it. The British Industrial Revolution, roughly 1760 to 1840, was one of the most transformative periods in human history. That part is true. It gave us mechanized manufacturing, railways, urbanization, and eventually the modern world also true. But here's the part that tends to get left out of the inspirational commencement speech version. Workers, including children as young as five, labored 12 to 16-hour shifts, 60s a week, in factories with no safety regulations, no rights, and wages that barely cover the cost of living. Over 50% of workers in some British factories in the early 1800s were under the age of 14. Children were preferred because they were small enough to crawl under machinery to unclog it, and when the machine suddenly restarted, they lost fingers and limbs. In coal mines, children as young as five were stripped of their clothes, chained to coal carts, and sent into shafts 16 inches high. Arriving late to work could mean a beating. Dosing off at your machine could cost you an arm. I want to pause and emphasize that these are not metaphors. These are documented historical facts. A technology executive in 2026 might describe this era as a time of profound change, which it definitely was, but it was also a time of mass child exploitation, industrial-scale human suffering, and a general decline in health, including increased tuberculosis, respiratory disease, malnutrition, and trauma. That reminds me of something, doesn't it?
传统生活方式的瓦解与人口大迁徙
工业革命引发了巨大的人口结构变迁,将年轻人从乡村社区吸引到城市工厂城镇。整个生活方式,包括农业的、手工业的、社区化的模式,在一代人的时间内被瓦解。曾经拥有娴熟技艺的工匠们发现他们的手艺被自动化取代,技能变得一文不值。
这绝非一个温和的过渡。这是一场被迫的从一种经济现实向另一种的迁移,其驱动力并非选择,而是旧系统维系其所依赖人口能力的崩溃。如果屏幕前的你,是2026年即将毕业的人文学科学生,眼睁睁看着AI生成内容涌入你原本打算进入的市场,这种感受或许会让你感同身受。
Original English Source
Destruction of traditional ways of life. The Industrial Revolution triggered an enormous demographic shift, pulling young adults out of rural communities and into urban factory towns. Entire ways of life, agricultural, artisanal, community-based, were dismantled in a generation. People who had been skilled craftspeople found their trades automated and their skills worthless. This was not a gentle transition. It was a forced migration from one economic reality into another, driven not by choice, but by the collapse of the old system's ability to sustain the people who depended on it. If you're a graduating humanity student in 2026 who's just watched AI generated content flood the market you were training to enter, this might feel somewhat recognizable.
停滞的预期寿命与加剧的社会不公
接着是健康与预期寿命。一个本应出现在每本教科书中却不知为何缺失的细节是:1820年至1870年间,正值工业革命鼎盛时期,英格兰的预期寿命几乎停滞了50年。快速的城市化带来了水源污染、过度拥挤的住房、流行病和工业污染。在工业城镇中,工人阶级出生时的预期寿命常常低至25至35岁。笼罩工业城市的浓密烟雾缩短了生命,并全面提高了死亡率。一项研究发现,仅1851年至1900年间日益增长的工业用煤量,就使预期寿命至少减少了半年,而这种生命损失的经济成本,相当于每年GDP的0.3%到1%。
因此,工业革命确实让国家变得更富裕,但也使其工人更体弱多病、寿命更短、更痛苦,这种状况持续了几十年,直到后来福利才开始逐渐下渗。经济学家发现,在1760年至1820年间,消费增长甚微,停滞了60年,直到1820年后才有所改善。即便如此,这种改善也被环境恶化和极度严重的不平等所抵消,以至于一些研究人员认为,未被量化的成本完全抹去了工资上涨带来的任何福祉增益。在情况显著好转之前,经历了60到100年恶化或停滞的社会状况。请细品这句话。
然后是不平等(Inequality: 财富分配严重失衡的社会现象)。工业革命所创造的财富是惊人的,但财富分配却近乎荒谬。工厂主和实业家积累了巨额财富,而他们的工人,包括儿童,仅能获得勉强维持生计的工资。在整个工业化时期,不平等现象持续加剧,创造财富者与攫取财富者之间的鸿沟年复一年地扩大。
在2025年,美国房价与家庭收入中位数之比达到了近5.1的历史高点,而1985年这一比例仅为3.1%。65%的美国家庭无力购买新建的中等价位房屋。首次购房者的年龄中位数从1980年代的29岁上升到今天的40岁。科技公司的首席执行官们正成为有史以来最富有的人,同时却告诉毕业生们,正是这些让他们变得富有的技术,为所有人带来了“激动人心的机会”。
Original English Source
Then health and life expectancy. Here's a detail that should be in every schoolbook and somehow isn't. Life expectancy in England stagnated between roughly 1820 and 1870, a 50-year period during the height of the Industrial Revolution because rapid urbanization brought contaminated water, overcrowded housing, epidemic disease, and industrial pollution. Working-class life expectancy at birth in industrial towns was often as low as 25 to 35 years. The dense smog that blackened industrial cities shortened lives and increased mortality rates across the board. An NBR [snorts] study found that growing industrial coal use from 1851 to 1900 alone reduced life expectancy by at least half a year, and the economic cost of that lost life was equivalent to roughly 0.3 to 1% of annual GDP. So, the Industrial Revolution made the country richer, it also made its workers sicker, shorter lived, and more miserable for decades before the benefits started filtering down. Economists have found only a small rise in consumption between 1760 to 1820, 60 years of near stagnation with rapid improvement only after 1820, and even that improvement was offset by environmental decay and inequality so severe that some researchers argue unmeasured costs more than wiped out any gains in well-being from rising wages. 60 to 100 years of worsened or stagnant conditions before things got meaningfully better. Just let that sit for a second. Then inequality. The wealth generated by the Industrial Revolution was extraordinary. The distribution of that wealth was obscene. Factory owners and industrialists accumulated fortunes while their workers, including the children, earned subsistence wages. Inequality increased steadily throughout the industrialization period, and the gap between the people generating the wealth and the people capturing it widened year after year. In 2025, the ratio of US home prices to median household income hit a near record 5.1, up from 3.1% in 1985. 65% of American households cannot afford a newly built medium-price home. The median age of a first-time home buyer has risen from 29 in the 1980s to 40 today. Tech CEOs are becoming the wealthiest humans in recorded history while telling graduating students that the technology making them wealthy is an exciting opportunity. Hmm.
政治权利的剥夺:当“腐败选区”换了新颜
接下来,我们探讨政治权利剥夺(Political Disenfranchisement: 公民被剥夺或限制行使政治权利的现象),这尤其值得关注。在1832年之前,英国政治体制中存在着一种名为“腐败选区”(Rotten Boroughs)的现象。这些议会选区,原本是几个世纪前设立的城镇,但随着时间推移,人口几乎流失殆尽。一个仅有12人的村庄可能仍然能选出两名议员,而与此同时,曼彻斯特——作为整个工业革命的心脏,全国最大、经济最重要的城市之一——却没有任何议会代表权。这座推动革命的城市,在其管辖制度中却毫无发言权。
到了1831年大选,406名当选议员中,有152人是由不足100名选民选出的,其中50个选区甚至少于50名选民。这个系统是为已经不存在的世界而设计的,那些受益于维护旧制度的人,则极力反对任何改革。对于美国观众来说,试想一下,如果怀俄明州一个仅有30人的乡村国会选区,拥有与整个芝加哥市相同的代表权,而当芝加哥要求获得代表时,那些受益于旧制度的人却说:“绝不可能,这会破坏治理结构。”这正是当时发生的情况。
直到大规模民众示威、对君主制的威胁以及一场宪政危机之后,1832年的改革法案(Reform Act of 1832: 英国议会改革,旨在纠正腐败选区并重新分配议席)才最终废除了最严重的“腐败选区”,并使曼彻斯特、伯明翰和利兹等城市首次拥有了议会代表。即便如此,工人阶级也几乎一无所获,改革主要惠及了中产阶级,普通工人获得投票权更是等了几十年。
现在,想想佐治亚州、马里兰州和弗吉尼亚州的社区,数据中心在那里未经有意义的当地同意就被大规模建设,以工业规模抽取水和电力,而当地居民却几乎无力阻止。想想我最近在一个视频中提到的案例:佐治亚州一位县水务主管发现黑石(Blackstone)子公司的未经授权取水行为时,却只得到了冷冰冰的客户服务回应。这场革命的基础设施正在那些对此毫无发言权的社区内部建立。腐败选区并未消失,它们只是以不同的面貌存在于今日。
Original English Source
Next, let's talk about political disenfranchisement. Now, this one is my favorite, and I need to explain it in a way that makes sense for everyone watching. Before 1832, the British political system had something called rotten boroughs. These were parliamentary constituencies, essentially electoral districts, that had been created centuries earlier when they were actual towns, but had since depopulated to almost nothing. A village with 12 people might still elect two members of Parliament. Meanwhile, Manchester, which had grown into the beating heart of the entire Industrial Revolution, one of the largest and most economically significant cities in the country, had zero members of Parliament. No political representation whatsoever. The city powering the revolution had no voice in the system governing it. By the 1831 election, 152 out of 406 elected members of Parliament were chosen by fewer than 100 voters each. 50 constituencies had fewer than 50 voters. The system was designed for a world that no longer existed, and the people who benefited from keeping it that way fought furiously to prevent reform. For my American viewers, imagine if a congressional district that had a population of 30 people in rural Wyoming had the same representation as the entire city of Chicago. And when Chicago asked for a representative, the people benefiting from the old system said, "Absolutely not. This would destroy the fabric of governance." That's what was happening back then. It took massive popular demonstrations, threats to the monarchy, and a constitutional crisis before the Reform Act of 1832 finally abolished the worst of the rotten boroughs and gave cities like Manchester, Birmingham, and Leeds their first members of Parliament. And even then, the working classes gained almost nothing. The reform primarily benefited the middle classes, and it took decades before ordinary workers got the vote. Now, think about the communities in Georgia, Maryland, and Virginia where data centers are being built without meaningful local consent, extracting water and electricity at industrial scale, and the residents have effectively no power to stop it. Think about the fact that I covered in a recent video how a county water director in Georgia responded to discovering unauthorized water extraction by Blackstone subsidiary with its cold customer service. The infrastructure of this revolution is being built inside communities that have no meaningful say over it. The rotten boroughs are not gone. They just look different today.
改革的艰难历程:精英阻挠与民众抗争
现在,让我们来谈谈改革问题。这是工业革命故事中,没有人会在毕业典礼演讲中提及的部分,因为它实在太不方便了。工业革命并非会自动变好。其“变好”的部分,需要大规模的立法改革,而精英阶层在每一个阶段都极力反对。
第一部工厂法(Factory Act: 英国早期旨在规范工厂工作条件、特别是童工劳动的法律)于1802年通过,但历史共识认为其形同虚设。又经过30年的宣传、鼓动和政治压力,1833年的工厂法才开始有意义地限制童工劳动,即便如此,它也仅适用于纺织厂。工厂主们抗议说,任何对工时的限制都将迫使他们关闭工厂。这句话完全可以平移到2026年,只需将“工厂主”替换为“科技高管”,将“工时”替换为“AI监管”。模式每次都是相同的:工人受苦,改革者记录苦难,精英声称监管会摧毁经济,改革者更加努力推动,精英抵抗,最终在几十年后,法律得以修改。
事实证明,引入十小时工作制(10-hour day: 限制工人每日工作时间为十小时的劳动制度)并未引发其反对者所预言的可怕后果。经济没有崩溃,工厂没有倒闭,灾难的预测是错误的,它们总是错误的,只是对那些做出预测的人有用。
Original English Source
Let's talk about the reform question, and this is the part of the industrial revolution story that nobody includes in commencement speeches because it just inconvenient. The industrial revolution did not automatically get better. The getting better part required massive legislative reform that elites fought at every single stage. The first Factory Act was passed in 1802 and was by historical consensus absolutely futile. It took another 30 years of campaigning, agitation, and political pressure before the 1833 Factory Act began to meaningfully restrict child labor and even that only applied to textile factories. Factory owners protested that any restriction on working hours would force them to close their mills, which is a sentence you can transpose directly into 2026 by replacing factory owners with tech executives and working hours with AI regulation. The pattern was the same every time. Workers suffered, reformers documented the suffering, elites said regulation would destroy the economy, reformers pushed harder, elites resisted, eventually after decades the laws changed, and the introduction of the 10-hour day proved to have none of the dire consequences its opponents had predicted. The economy didn't collapse, the factories didn't close, the predictions of disaster were wrong, they were always wrong, they were just useful for the people making them.
AI时代的抉择:是重蹈覆辙还是开创公正?
那么,Gloria Caulfield说得对吗?AI是下一次工业革命吗?是的,她可能确实是对的,但可能并非以她所理解的方式。工业革命并非一个简单的开关,让农民一夜之间变成城市工人,也并非一个从旧到新的平稳过渡。它是一个世纪的流离失所(Displacement: 人们被迫离开原有居住地或工作岗位的社会现象)、剥削(Exploitation: 不公正地利用他人劳动或资源以获取利益的行为)、环境破坏(Environmental Destruction: 人类活动对自然环境造成的不可逆损害)、政治权利剥夺以及惊人的不平等。紧随其后的是几十年来通过艰苦斗争才赢得的改革,这些改革之所以发生,仅仅是因为普通民众组织起来,抗议并要求统治他们的系统与他们所生活的现实同步。
那些在最糟糕时期生活的人,并未将“下一次工业革命”体验为鼓舞人心的谈资,他们体验到的是自己的孩子在机器中失去手指。每一代受益于工业革命的人,都是因为前几代人付出了代价并争取了改革,才使这些利益成为可能。我们是工业革命所创造技术的受益者,同时也是工厂法案、改革法案、劳工运动、环境保护法规和政治改革的受益者,这些确保了技术最终服务于所有人,而不仅仅是拥有技术的人。
这正是我们现在面临的问题:不是“AI是不是下一次工业革命?”答案很可能是肯定的。问题反而是:“这将是一场什么样的工业革命?”改革会在第5年到来,还是第60年?那些建设基础设施的人,会受到他们运营所在社区的监督吗?还是我们要等到佐治亚州的一位公民必须提出信息自由法(FOIA)请求,才能查明水压下降的原因?
我坦白说,我不知道这将如何发展,没有人知道。AI有可能实现其巨大的潜力,并且过渡比以往任何技术革命都更加平稳。我为此祈祷。但也有可能并非如此,而“泡沫”这个词只有在AI未能兑现其承诺时才适用,但技术是持续演进的。所以,最诚实的答案是,不确定性本身就是最困难的部分。我们正处于一个潜力巨大、下行风险严重,但没人能自信地告诉你结果会走向何方的境地。这对我们所有人来说都不是一个舒适的处境,我理解为什么我们都有些害怕。
我所知道的是,变革的痛苦从来都不是均匀分布的。工业革命时期不是这样,现在也不会是。UCF竞技场的毕业生与卡内基梅隆大学的毕业生不同。奥兰多的一位作家和匹兹堡的一位AI工程师,正经历着相同的技术时刻,但他们面临后果的程度却完全不同。告诉他们两者这都是“令人兴奋的事情”,至少可以说是麻木不仁。那些学生有理由发出嘘声,不是因为Caulfield的比较是错误的,而是因为她对一群受众来说这绝不是好消息的人,却以仿佛这是好消息的方式谈论它——至少目前还不是。工业革命无疑是变革性的,但它也是毁灭性的。两者可以同时存在,而你所经历的是哪一种,完全取决于你在体系中的位置。
Original English Source
So, was Georgia Caulfield right? Is AI the next industrial revolution? Yeah, she might actually be right, but probably not in the way she meant it. The industrial revolution was not a one-off switch that turned peasants into city workers. It was not a clean transition from old to new. It was a century of displacement, exploitation, environmental destruction, political disenfranchisement, and staggering inequality followed by decades of hard-won reform that only happened because ordinary people organized, protested, and demanded that the systems governing them catch up with the reality they were living in. The people alive during the worst of it did not experience the next industrial revolution as an inspirational talking point. They experienced it as their children losing fingers in machines. Every generation that has benefited from the industrial revolution has benefited from it because previous generations paid the cost and fought for the reforms that made the benefits possible. We are the beneficiaries of technologies the industrial revolutions created. We're also the beneficiaries of the factory acts, the reform acts, the labor movements, the environmental regulations, and the political reforms that ensured those technologies eventually served people rather than just the people who owned them. And that is the question for right now. Not is AI the next industrial revolution? The answer to that is probably yes. The question is instead what kind of industrial revolution is this one going to be? Are the reforms going to come in year five or year 60? Are the people building the infrastructure going to be held accountable by the communities they operate in, or are we going to wait until a citizen in Georgia has to file an FOIA request just to find out why the water pressure dropped? I generally don't know how this plays out. Nobody does. It's possible that AI delivers on its enormous potential and the transition is smoother than any previous technological revolution. I pray for that. It's also possible that it doesn't, but even the word bubble only applies if AI fails to deliver what it's supposed to deliver, and technology evolves continuously. So, the honest answer is that the uncertainty itself is the hard part. We're in a situation where the potential upside is extraordinary and the downside risk is serious, and nobody can tell you with confidence which way it breaks. That is not a comfortable place for all of us to be in, and I understand why all of us are a bit scared. What I do know is that the pain of change is never distributed evenly. It wasn't during the industrial revolution, and it won't be now. The graduates in the UCF Arena are not the same as the graduates at Carnegie Mellon. A writer in Orlando and an AI engineer in Pittsburgh are living through the same technological moment with completely different levels of exposure to its consequences. Telling both of them that this is an exciting thing is at best oblivious. Those students were right to boo, not because Caulfield was wrong about the comparison, but because she talked about it as if it were good news to an audience for whom it very much isn't, at least not yet. The industrial revolution was definitely transformative. It was also devastating. Both things can be true at the same time, and which one you experienced depended entirely on where you stood in the system. If you want a deeper look at what's actually happening on the ground, the water extraction, the noise pollution, the billions being charged to communities, check out the video on your screen right now, the data center backlash. And if you want to explore whether what you're feeling about AI is really about technology or about something deeper, I cover that in my video on AI sentiment. I'm going to link both of those in the description. Thank you all so much for watching. Subscribe, and I'll see you all in the next one.
📌 文中提及的人物和组织
公司/组织: OpenAI, Nvidia, Blackstone
产品/模型: GPT-4o