---
author: New York Times Podcasts
date: '2026-10-27'
guest: ''
layout: post.njk
source: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EwlN9g9a0cc
speaker: New York Times Podcasts
tags:
  - terrorism-charges
  - protest-rights
  - judicial-precedent
  - political-violence
title: 得州移民拘留所抗议案：抗议者因恐怖主义罪名获重刑
summary: 2025年7月得州一处移民拘留所外的抗议活动中一名警官中弹受轻伤。在查理·柯克遇刺及特朗普针对左翼发布指令后，联邦检方以向恐怖主义提供物质支持罪起诉涉案抗议者，陪审团裁定全员罪成，被告被判处30年至100年重刑。
insight: ''
draft: true
series: ''
category: politics-society
area: society-thinking
project: []
people:
  - Janet Reitman
  - Michael Barbaro
  - Ben Song
  - Thomas Gross
  - Charlie Kirk
  - Donald Trump
  - Nancy Larson
  - Kyle Shidler
  - Daniel Sanchez Estrada
companies_orgs:
  - ICE
  - FBI
  - DOJ
  - Socialist Rifle Association
  - John Brown Gun Club
  - Anthropic
products_models: []
media_books:
  - The New York Times
  - The Daily
  - 'The Inheritance: An American Tragedy in Five Acts'
status: evergreen
---
### 案件起因：得州移民拘留所外的枪声

这里是《纽约时报》，我是迈克尔·巴巴罗。这是《每日新闻》。[音乐]

>> 是的，我们需要警察到佩里兰拘留中心来。我不知道外面发生了什么。他们只是让我打电话。

>> 2025年7月4日晚，得克萨斯州达拉斯郊外的警方接到一通来自移民与海关执法局（ICE）拘留中心内部的电话。

>> 好的。你不知道发生了什么事？

>> 不知道，长官。

>> 我想他们是在放烟花。

报警人报告称，一小群身穿黑衣的抗议者聚集在拘留中心外。[音乐]

>> 他们在外面绕着围栏走。我不知道，长官。

>> 抓住他了。[音乐] 好，我们把他弄进来了。

>> 几分钟内，一名当地警察中尉赶到了现场。

当他接近拘留中心时，他看到有人身穿黑衣。

>> 嘿，站住！他走出警车，拔出了配枪。

>> 他在跑。

>> 趴在地上！

>> 突然间，他被枪声吞没。

>> 我中弹了。

>> 他被一颗子弹击中了肩膀。[音乐]

所有这些事实都是无可争议的。

但接下来发生的事情是：这是一场意图杀人的有预谋伏击。

>> 随后展开的起诉，在美国历史上绝无仅有。

>> 这是联邦调查局（FBI）首次逮捕被该机构认定为与“反法西斯”（Antifa）相关的无政府主义暴力极端分子的人员，并随之提起了恐怖主义指控。这就把我们带到了起诉书本身。[音乐]

今天，我的同事珍妮特·赖特曼将讲述她所调查到的内幕——关于这起已成为特朗普第二任总统任期标志性法律案件的始末，以及它就如今在美国谁有资格被定性为恐怖分子所引发的令人不安的疑问。[音乐]

今天是10月27日，星期二。

珍妮特，欢迎回到《每日新闻》。

<details><summary>Original English</summary>
From
 the
 New
 York
 Times,
 I'm
 Michael
Babaro.
 This
 is
 the
 Daily.
 [music]

>> Yes,
 we
 need
 the
 police
 to
 come
 out
 to
Perry
 Land
 Detention
 Center.
 I
 don't
know
 what's
 going
 on
 outside.
 They
 just
told
 me
 to
 call.

>> On
 the
 night
 of
 July
 4th,
 2025,
 police
outside
 Dallas,
 Texas,
 get
 a
 call
 from
inside
 an
 ICE
 detention
 center.

>> Okay.
 You
 don't
 know
 what's
 going
 on?

>> No,
 sir.

>> I
 think
 they
 doing
 fireworks.

The
 caller
 reports
 that
 a
 small
 group
 of
protesters
 has
 gathered
 outside
 the
center
 and
 are
 dressed
 in
 [music]
 black.

>> They
 outside
 walking
 the
 perimeter.
 I
don't
 know,
 sir.

>> Got
 [music]
 him.
 All right,
 we
 got
 him
in.

>> Within
 minutes,
 a
 local
 police
lieutenant
 arrives
 at
 the
 scene.

As
 he
 approaches
 the
 detention
 center,
he
 sees
 somebody
 dressed
 in
 black.

>> HEY,
 STOP.
 He
 exits
 his
 police
 car,
draws
 his
 weapon.

>> He's
 running.

>> GET
 ON
 THE
 GROUND.

>> And
 is
 suddenly
 engulfed
 in
 gunfire.

>> I'm
 hit.

>> And
 he's
 hit
 with
 a
 single
 bullet
[music]
 in
 the
 shoulder.

All
 of
 those
 facts
 are
 undisputed.

But
 [music]
 what
 came
 next?
 It
 was
 a
planned
 ambush
 with
 the
 intent
 to
 kill.

>> Was
 a
 prosecution
 unlike
 any
 in
 American
history.

>> That
 it
 is
 now
 the
 first
 time
 that
 the
FBI
 has
 arrested
 someone
 that
 the
 agency
has
 identified
 as
 Antifa
 aligned
anarchist
 violent
 extremists
 and
terrorism
 charges
 now
 as
 a
 result
 have
been
 brought.
 So
 that
 takes
 us
 to
 the
indictment
 itself.
 [music]
 Today,
 my
colleague
 Janet
 Wrightman
 on
 what
 she's
uncovered
 about
 [music]
 what's
 become
 a
defining
 legal
 case
 of
 the
 second
 Trump
presidency
 and
 the
 troubling
 questions
that
 it
 raises
 [music]
 about
 who
 now
qualifies
 as
 a
 terrorist
 in
 America.
[music]

It's
 Tuesday,
 October
 27th.

Janet,
 welcome
 back
 to
 the
 Daily.
</details>

>> 谢谢你邀请我。很高兴能回来。

>> 你报道国家安全和极端主义已有数十年。我们不时会为了这个目的专门请你来。你曾报道过数十起国内和国外极端主义案件。那么，鉴于这些经历，这起特定案件中究竟是什么真正触动了你？

>> 这起案件有两点让我深感震惊。第一点是，这确实是联邦政府有史以来第一次以涉恐指控审判来自右翼或左翼的美国抗议者。

>> 这也是政府第一次起诉他们所谓的“Antifa小组”。

>> 没错。因为我们通常不认为Antifa有严密的组织，更不用说有行动小组了。

>> 正是如此。并没有一个被称为Antifa的实体组织，对吧？这个词一直被共和党用作泛指左翼的统称。正如你所说，它不是一个组织。它不是一个像基地组织、伊斯兰国或我们听说过的某些外国恐怖组织那样拥有行动小组的团体。它是一个非常松散、去中心化的左翼活动人士运动，其意识形态大致是反法西斯主义。这就是Antifa代表的含义——

>> 反法西斯。Antifa。坦率地说，作为报道恐怖主义案件多年的记者，这正是让我觉得这次起诉令人震惊的地方。

<details><summary>Original English</summary>
>> Thank
 you
 for
 having
 me.
 Good
 to
 be
back.

>> So,
 you
 have
 covered
 national
 security
and
 extremism
 for
 decades.
 We
 call
 upon
you
 very
 specifically
 for
 that
 purpose
from
 time
 to
 time.
 You've
 reported
 on
dozens
 of
 cases
 of
 domestic
 and
 foreign
extremism.
 So,
 what
 was
 it
 given
 that
about
 this
 particular
 case
 that
 really
struck
 you?
 So
 there
 were
 two
 things
that
 struck
 me
 about
 this
 case.
 The
first
 was
 that
 this
 was
 really
 the
 first
time
 that
 the
 federal
 government
 has
ever
 tried
 American
 protesters
 on
 either
the
 right
 or
 the
 left
 for
 terrorism
related
 charges.

>> And
 it
 was
 also
 the
 first
 time
 that
 the
government
 has
 prosecuted
 what
 they
 call
an
 Antifa
 cell.

>> Right.
 Because
 we
 don't
 think
 of
 Antifa
as
 really
 having
 much
 of
 an
 organization
at
 all,
 let
 alone
 having
 cells.

>> Exactly.
 There's
 no
 group
 known
 as
Antifa,
 right?
 The
 term
 has
 been
 used
 by
the
 GOP
 as
 a
 sort
 of
 catchall
 for
 the
left.
 And
 as
 you
 said,
 it's
 not
 an
organization.
 It
 isn't
 a
 group
 with
cells
 the
 way
 sort
 of
 al-Qaeda
 or
 ISIS
or
 some
 other
 foreign
 terrorist
 group
that
 we've
 heard
 of
 would
 have
 cells.
It's
 a
 very
 loose
 decentralized
 movement
of
 left-wing
 activists
 whose
 ideology
 is
kind
 of
 broadly
 anti-fascist.
 And
 that's
what
 Antifa
 stands
 for,

>> anti-fascist.
 Antifa.
 And
 that's
 what
made
 this
 prosecution
 for
 me
 as
 somebody
who's
 reported
 on
 terrorism
 cases
 for
years
 shocking
 frankly.
</details>

### 抗议群体背景与达拉斯激进活动圈

>> 我们将深入探讨这次起诉以及政府将本案当事人作为Antifa小组起诉的决定。但让我们先从这起案件的最基本情况谈起。你做了很多独立[清嗓子]报道，试图了解他们是谁、他们的动机是什么。你最终发现了什么？

>> 我花了好几个月的时间查阅文件，与许多认识这些抗议者的人交谈，还接触了更多属于更广泛左翼圈子的人。我很快意识到，事情发生的达拉斯-沃思堡地区，并没有像西雅图、波特兰、纽约或其他蓝营城市那样成熟的抗议圈子，那些城市坦率地说有着非常深厚的进步派活动历史。

>> 确实。

>> 达拉斯-沃思堡并没有那种传统——

>> 这说得通，毕竟那是得克萨斯州。那里看起来不像是左翼激进活动的温床。

>> 确实如此。因此，那里存在的圈子更像是由持有不同诉求或倾向的人拼凑而成的集合体。比如有自诩为无政府主义者的人、艺术家、LGBTQ活动人士、移民权益活动人士，可以说是一群关心各种不同社会议题的中左翼群体的广泛横截面。

>> 就像这个圈子里的许多人一样，他们是在网上联系的。因此，那里[清嗓子]成了该社区的核心聚集场所。那么，参与这个网络社区的人又是怎么聚集到这处拘留中心的呢？

>> 跟我交谈过的人告诉我，这实际上已经酝酿了一段时间。

得克萨斯州的保守派政府和立法机构多年来采取了一系列行动，让很多自由派、尤其是自由派活动人士感到非常恐慌。他们限制跨性别者的权利，严厉打击堕胎，并在所有这些领域针对移民。他们在全美很多州中处于领头地位，甚至在某些情况下走在最前列。

>> 是的。得克萨斯州州长格雷格·阿博特对自己的移民打击举措非常自豪。例如，他真的把移民用大巴运出本州送到民主党——

>> 是的。他绕过联邦移民法进行打击。[音乐]

这成为了这个关键时刻的背景。关键时刻出现在2021年2月，[音乐]

当时得克萨斯州遭遇了一场罕见的大暴雪，使全州气温降至真正的零下，[音乐] 全州约有500万户家庭和企业断电。[音乐] 而得州政府实际上并没有提前警告民众。他们的电网非常薄弱，他们心知肚明，并且已经知晓了大约10年。[音乐] 他们从未努力去修复过。结果就是，数百人在家中活活冻死。[音乐]

因此，这些本就心怀恐惧、本就觉得政府根本不在乎他们或政府在某种程度上试图通过立法让他们彻底消失的活动人士，现在把这些线索串联起来，觉得：“天啊，我们真的处于危机时刻了。我们真的处于危险之中。我们的政府根本不在乎我们的死活。”这成为达拉斯-沃思堡各地活动人士的一次强烈警醒时刻，他们中的许多人开始意识到，他们真的需要学习生存技能，以及如何在这种事情再次发生时自卫。而当时向他们开放的一条途径，就是一个名为“社会主义步枪协会”（Socialist Rifle Association）的团体。

>> 嗯，我没听说过这个团体。

>> SRA是一个多年来将自己定位为全国步枪协会（NRA）的进步派替代品的组织。

>> 这是一个全国性组织。它在全国各地都有分会，但它在达拉斯的作用，是为许多人提供了一个聚会场所。这些人加入不仅是为了学习如何射击，也是为了开展互助行动，做各种旨在增强社区凝聚力、建立社区力量和韧性的项目。

>> 所以这群分散的活动人士开始在SRA中找到了归宿。

>> 是的。他们中的一些人正向能让他们感到更有掌控力的人或团体靠拢。而在他们面前树立起这种形象的人物之一，是一个名叫本·宋（Ben Song）的人，他是SRA的一名骨干。本是一名职业活动家。就是那种无处不在的人，每一次抗议他们都在场，每一次抗议他们都冲在最前面。本曾是一名海军陆战队员，在陆战队服役过，而且他还参与过香港的示威活动。对于一个由经验非常不足的活动人士组成的社区来说，有一个去过外国并投身于那些非常著名且实际上相当暴力的抗议活动的人，是一件大事。

所以他身上笼罩着一种神话色彩。[音乐]

于是，本在身边聚集了一群人，[清嗓子] 他们都凝聚在一种对可怕事件即将发生的恐惧之中。[音乐] 因此他们需要做好准备，需要知道如何自卫，需要知道如何使用枪支。

>> 他们需要成为一小支骨干队伍，就像一支小型军队，对吧？他们需要成为一个部落。

>> 而本就是这个部落的非正式领袖。他是部落内部的专家。[音乐]

>> 他们在射击场训练。“射手准备。”

>> 是的。

>> “一号目标。”

>> 他拥有相当多的AR-15式步枪，[音乐] 他会借给或送给没有枪的人。

>> “六号倒下。移动。”

>> 他提出免费教他们自卫技能。“只要你在家练习这些动作。你就能在战术操作中更快地操控武器，交火速度会快得多，精准度也会高得多。”

>> [音乐]

<details><summary>Original English</summary>
>> Well,
 we're
 going
 to
 get
 very
 deeply
into
 this
 prosecution
 and
 into
 the
government's
 decision
 to
 charge
 the
folks
 in
 this
 case
 as
 an
 Antifa
 cell.
But
 let's
 just
 start
 with
 the
 very
basics
 of
 this
 case.
 You
 went
 and
 did
 a
lot
 of
 independent
 [clears throat]
reporting
 to
 try
 to
 understand
 who
 they
are,
 what
 motivated
 them.
 What
 did
 you
end
 up
 finding?

>> So,
 I
 spent
 months
 looking
 through
documents,
 talking
 to
 a
 lot
 of
 people
who
 knew
 the
 protesters
 and
 even
 more
people
 who
 are
 just
 part
 of
 the
 larger
left-wing
 scene.
 And
 what
 I
 came
 to
 see
very
 quickly
 is
 that
 the
 place
 that
 this
happened
 in
 Dallas
 Fort
 Worth
 does
 not
have
 a
 sort
 of
 established
 protest
 scene
in
 the
 way
 that
 say
 a
 city
 like
 Seattle
or
 Portland
 or
 New
 York
 or
 some
 other
sort
 of
 blue
 city
 frankly
 that
 have
 you
know
 really
 long
 histories
 of
progressive
 activism.

>> Right.

>> Dallas
 Fort
 Worth
 does
 not
 have
 that

>> which
 makes
 sense
 because
 it's
 Texas.
 It
wouldn't
 seem
 to
 be
 a
 hot
 bed
 of
leftwing
 activism.

>> Exactly.
 And
 so
 what
 scene
 does
 exist
 is
more
 of
 a
 patchwork
 of
 people
 with
different
 interests
 or
 tendencies.
 So
you
 have
 like
 the
 self-styled
 anarchist
types,
 you
 have
 artists,
 you
 have
 LGBTQ
activists,
 you
 have
 immigration
activists,
 you
 have,
 you
 know,
 a
 really
broad
 cross-section
 of
 people
 who
 care
about
 a
 variety
 of
 different
 social
issues
 who
 are
 left
 of
 center.

>> And
 so
 just
 like
 many
 many
 people
 in
this
 world,
 they
 connect
 with
 people
online.
 And
 so
 that's
 where
[clears throat]
 the
 central
 meeting
place
 of
 this
 community
 is.
 And
 how
 is
it
 that
 people
 involved
 in
 this
 online
community
 end
 up
 gathering
 at
 this
detention
 center?

>> So,
 the
 people
 I
 spoke
 to
 told
 me
 that
this
 had
 really
 been
 brewing
 for
 a
while.

Texas's
 conservative
 government
 and
legislature
 had
 been
 taking
 a
 series
 of
actions
 for
 several
 years
 that
 were
making
 a
 lot
 of
 liberals,
 especially
liberal
 activists,
 very,
 very
 fearful.
They
 were
 restricting
 the
 rights
 of
trans
 people.
 They
 were
 cracking
 down
 on
abortion.
 and
 they
 were
 targeting
immigrants
 in
 all
 of
 these
 areas.
 They
were
 way
 in
 front
 of
 a
 lot
 of
 states
 in
this
 country.
 In
 fact,
 in
 some
 cases,
they
 were
 at
 the
 front.

>> Right.
 Texas's
 governor,
 Greg
 Abbott,
was
 so
 proud
 of
 his
 immigration
crackdown.
 For
 example,
 he
 was
 literally
busing
 people
 out
 of
 state
 to
Democratic.

>> Yeah.
 He
 went
 around
 federal
 immigration
law
 to
 crack
 down.
 [music]

And
 so
 that
 is
 the
 backdrop
 for
 this
pivotal
 [music]
 moment
 that
 comes
 in
February
 of
 2021

when
 Texas
 is
 hit
 by
 this
 massive
massive
 winter
 storm
 that
 plunges
 the
whole
 state
 into
 these
 like
 literally
sub-zero
 temperatures
 [music]
 and
 about
5
 million
 homes
 and
 businesses
 across
the
 state
 [music]
 lost
 power.
 And
 what
the
 state
 actually
 didn't
 do
 [music]
was
 warn
 people.
 They
 had
 a
 very
 weak
power
 grid.
 They
 knew
 it.
 They
 had
 known
it
 for
 about
 10
 years.
 [music]
 They
 had
never
 ever
 made
 an
 effort
 to
 fix
 it.
 And
what
 happened
 is
 you
 had
 hundreds
 of
people
 who
 literally
 froze
 to
 death
 in
their
 homes.
 [music]

So
 these
 activists
 who
 are
 already
feeling
 fearful
 and
 already
 feeling
 as
if
 the
 government
 doesn't
 care
 about
them
 or
 that
 the
 government
 could
 like
try
 to
 legislate
 them
 out
 of
 existence
on
 some
 level
 now
 are
 connecting
 the
dots
 and
 feeling
 like,
 you
 know,
 oh
 my
god,
 we
 are
 genuinely
 at
 a
 crisis
 point.
We're
 genuinely
 at
 risk.
 Our
 government
doesn't
 care
 if
 we
 live
 or
 die.
 This
 is
a
 very
 galvanizing
 moment
 for
 the
activists
 across
 Dallas
 Fort
 Worth,
 a
lot
 of
 whom
 start
 to
 realize
 that
 they
really
 need
 to
 learn
 survival
 skills
 and
how
 to
 protect
 themselves
 in
 case
something
 like
 this
 happens
 again.
 And
one
 avenue
 available
 to
 them
 was
 a
 group
called
 the
 Socialist
 Rifle
 Association.

>> H
 not
 a
 group
 I
 have
 heard
 of.

>> The
 SRA
 is
 an
 organization
 that
 has
 cast
itself
 over
 the
 years
 as
 sort
 of
 the
progressive
 alternative
 to
 the
 National
Rifle
 Association.

>> This
 is
 a
 national
 organization.
 So
 it
has
 branches
 around
 the
 country,
 but
 it
functioned
 in
 Dallas
 as
 a
 meeting
 place
for
 a
 lot
 of
 people
 who
 wanted
 to
 get
involved
 not
 just
 in
 learning
 how
 to
shoot
 guns,
 but
 in
 doing
 things
 like
mutual
 aid,
 you
 know,
 in
 doing
 like
 a
variety
 of
 projects
 that
 were
 all
reinforcing
 of
 a
 community
 and
 sort
 of
building
 community
 strength
 and
resiliency.

>> So
 this
 scattered
 group
 of
 activists
starts
 to
 find
 a
 home
 in
 SR.

>> Yeah.
 Some
 of
 them
 they're
 gravitating
to
 people
 or
 groups
 that
 will
 make
 them
feel
 more
 in
 control.
 And
 one
 of
 the
figures
 who
 sort
 of
 represents
 himself
that
 way
 is
 a
 guy
 named
 Ben
 Song
 who
 was
a
 leader
 of
 the
 SRA.
 And
 Ben
 was
 a
professional
 activist.
 These
 are
 the
guys
 that
 are
 just
 everywhere.
 They're
at
 every
 protest.
 They're
 at
 the
 front
of
 every
 protest.
 Ben
 was
 a
 Marine,
 had
been
 in
 the
 Marine
 Corps,
 and
 he'd
 been
involved
 in
 the
 pro-democracy
 protests
in
 Hong
 Kong.
 And
 this
 was
 a
 huge
 deal
within
 a
 community
 of
 very
 inexperienced
activists
 to
 have
 a
 guy
 who
 had
 gone
 to
a
 foreign
 country
 and
 had
 thrown
 himself
into
 these
 very
 famous
 and
 actually
quite
 violent
 protests.

And
 so
 he
 had
 a
 myth
 about
 him.
 [music]

So
 Ben
 creates
 a
 group
 of
 people
 around
him
 who
 [clears throat]
 are
 all
 sort
 of
united
 in
 this
 [music]
 fear
 that
something
 terrible
 is
 going
 to
 happen.
And
 so
 they
 need
 to
 be
 prepared.
 They
need
 to
 know
 how
 to
 defend
 themselves.
They
 need
 to
 know
 how
 to
 use
 a
 gun.

>> And
 they
 need
 to
 be
 a
 little
 small
cadre,
 like
 a
 little
 army,
 right?
 They
need
 to
 be
 a
 tribe.

>> And
 Ben
 is
 the
 unofficial
 leader
 of
 the
tribe.
 He
 is
 the
 expert
 within
 the
tribe.
 [music]

>> And
 they
 train
 at
 the
 range.
 Shooter
ready.

>> Yeah.

>> Target
 one.

>> And
 he
 has
 [music]
 quite
 a
 few
 AR-15
style
 rifles
 that
 he
 will
 lend
 or
 give
to
 people
 that
 don't
 have
 them.

>> Six
 is
 down.
 Move.

>> He
 [music]
 has
 offered
 to
 teach
 them
self-defense
 for
 free.
 You
 just
 practice
these
 at
 home.
 You're
 going
 to
 be
 able
to
 move
 your
 weapon
 administratively
much
 faster,
 engage
 much
 faster,
 much
more
 accurately.

>> [music]
</details>

### 从抗议计划到独立日冲突

>> 这一切持续了几年，并在唐纳德·特朗普当选后推向了顶点。因为在那个节点，该社区内部的所有恐惧——尤其是涉及跨性别或非二元性别群体，以及对拉美裔人群的驱逐出境——在他们心中都正在变成现实。那么，在唐纳德·特朗普再次当选后，本以及他实质上领导的这个群体，是如何应对这种四面楚歌的感受的？

>> 本为更广泛的活动人士社区建立了一个Signal群组，用来分享彼此的恐惧和焦虑。到了2025年春季，我们在洛杉矶、波特兰和西雅图等蓝营城市看到了一些声势浩大的反ICE抗议活动。达拉斯的活动人士坐不住了，觉得：“我们也得做点类似的事情。”那么，我们能做什么才有效呢？

他们想出了一个主意：应该在某处ICE设施外举行某种抗议。

>> 嗯。

>> 距达拉斯-沃思堡约一小时车程的私营ICE设施草原地（Prairie Land）拘留中心，成了他们认为也许是个好去处的地方。它被称为草原拘留中心。本和其他一些活动人士在那个私密的Signal群里讨论在7月4日举行一场“制造噪音抗议”，他们认为这将是一个极具象征意义的时刻，对吧？他们要在全美庆祝自由的日子举行抗议，以表达对被政府拘留的人员的声援。

>> 嗯。

>> 他们的设想是在这处名为草原地的ICE设施外燃放烟花，提醒被拘留者他们没有被遗忘。就在他们进行这番讨论的同时，本有了另一个想法。[音乐]

本在达拉斯的一处民宅与大约六七名活动人士聚会时提出了这个想法。[音乐] 他开始向他们展示从网上搜集的草原地拘留中心的视频和照片，并开始指出：“看这个警卫室，看守并不严密。看看这些监控摄像头，数量并不多，甚至可能都没在运转。”

最后，他对大家说：“这会是再容易不过的事了。”

>> 嗯。什么叫再容易不过的事？[音乐]

>> 确实。群里的几个人立刻问：“你在说什么？什么容易？”本回答说：“哦，我们要占领那个地方，把被拘留者解救出来。”

>> 哇。我们要占领一处联邦移民拘留中心？

>> 怎么占领？我们要开枪冲进去吗？我们要杀人吗？他说：“哦，不，不，不。我们要进行火力压制。只是压制性射击，这是一种阻止他们反击的方法。”就我们所知，他并没有给出更多解释。大家对此感到非常震惊，纷纷表示：“哦，这听起来是个糟糕透顶的主意。我们不想那么干。”

>> “那不是我们报名的初衷。”

>> “那不是我们报名的初衷。”于是对话转回到了：好吧，那我们能做什么？于是他们重新回到了噪音抗议的构想上，并决定：好吧，我们只搞那个。

>> 群里有人问：“那我们还要带枪去吗？”本说：“哦，当然要带。”[音乐]

>> 那天晚上的讨论就此结束，大家都回了家。

到了当晚，他们来到了草原地拘留中心。他们把车停在大约四分之一英里外一条安静的街道上。他们事先踩过点，非常注意确保行动的安全以及不被识别出身份。

>> 他们穿着黑衣服，戴着面具。

他们用对讲机相互联络，并使用平时一贯使用的化名。队伍到达草原地所在的交叉路口，大多数人左转，前往正对着设施内部窗户的一片草地，被拘留者可能会走到窗前向外看。他们开始按照计划燃放烟花。

>> 按照计划。

>> 按照计划。

>> 需要非常明确的是，他们中的绝大多数人前往时是没有携带武器的。

>> 是的。不过有几个重要的例外，其中之一就是本。

本带上了他最喜欢的那支AR-15，他留在了稍微靠后的位置，靠近警卫室附近警戒。其余的人则在燃放烟花。他们高喊着“esperanza”（西班牙语中的“希望”）。你可以看到在设施内部那扇长长的窗户前，所有被拘留者都排成一排，脸紧贴着玻璃。显而易见，他们受到了肉眼可见的鼓舞。

在燃放烟花的人群中，有一个没人认识的人，[音乐] 他开始走向停车场，[音乐] 背包里装着喷漆。他开始在警卫室和一些车辆上喷漆，[音乐] 写下诸如辱骂警察、叛徒以及侮辱ICE之类的字样。

>> 这不是计划的一部分。

>> 这不是计划的一部分。而且几乎所有人对此都不知情。

与此同时，[音乐] 在ICE设施内部，保安人员听到了这些烟花声，他们有些担心是不是有什么东西击中了建筑物之类的情况。[音乐] 于是，两名保安出去查看情况。他们看到了燃放的烟花。其中一名保安径直走到抗议者面前说：“嘿，知道吗？你们该走了。你们这是在私人领地上，必须离开。”抗议群体回答说：“好的。”[音乐] 嗯。

>> 他们开始收拾东西。[音乐] 毕竟他们的事情已经办得差不多了。天空开始下雨，所以当时实际上也无法再继续放烟花。于是他们准备撤离。而那名要求他们离开的女保安和她的搭档开始走向停车场，因为他们听到了一些动静。他们听到了碎玻璃声，听到了类似于轮胎被扎破的爆裂声。她这才意识到：哦，这里发生了实际的破坏行为，有喷漆涂鸦。于是她打电话给ICE内部的安保值班台说：你们必须报警。

就在那个时候，一名名叫托马斯·格罗斯（Thomas Gross）的当地警察中尉接到了报警，他独自驾车赶到现场，身边没有搭档，随后看到了所有这些涂鸦。

突然之间，一个全身黑衣的人从他的车前跑过。他停下车，走出来，大喊让那个人站住。紧接着，戴着绿色滑雪面罩、已经移动到停车场区域的本开始开枪。

格罗斯中尉声称自己没有先开枪，而是进行了还击。[音乐]

双方随即发生了一场短暂的交火。在那场交火中，格罗斯中尉中弹了。[音乐]

<details><summary>Original English</summary>
>> So
 all
 of
 this
 is
 going
 on
 for
 a
 couple
of
 years
 and
 it
 winds
 up
 building
 to
 a
head
 after
 Donald
 Trump
 is
 elected
because
 at
 that
 point

every
 fear
 within
 this
 community
particularly
 when
 it
 comes
 to
 people
 who
are
 trans
 or
 non-binary

and
 deportation
 of
 those
 who
 are
 of
Latino
 origin.

Those
 fears
 are
 now
 becoming
 a
 reality
in
 their
 minds.
 So
 what
 do
 Ben
 and
 this
group
 that
 he
 is
 essentially
 leading
 do
with
 these
 feelings
 of
 being
 under
 siege
now
 that
 Donald
 Trump
 is
 reelected?

>> So
 Ben
 has
 created
 a
 signal
 group
 for
the
 broader
 activist
 community
 to
 share
their
 fears
 and
 anxieties.
 And
 by
 the
spring
 of
 2025,

we
 are
 seeing
 some
 big
 deal
 protests,
anti-ICE
 protests
 happening
 in
 blue
cities
 like
 LA
 and
 Portland
 and
 Seattle.
And
 the
 Dallas
 activists
 are
 sitting
there
 and
 going,
 "We
 need
 to
 do
something
 like
 this."
 So,
 what
 can
 we
 do
that
 would
 be
 effective?

and
 they
 come
 up
 with
 an
 idea
 that
 they
should
 do
 some
 sort
 of
 protest
 outside
of
 an
 ice
 facility.

>> Mhm.

>> And
 Prairie
 Land,
 which
 is
 a
 privatelyun
ice
 facility
 about
 an
 hour
 from
 Dallas
Fort
 Worth,
 becomes
 the
 place
 that
 they
think,
 well,
 maybe
 that
 would
 be
 a
 good
place
 to
 go.
 It's
 called
 the
 Prairie
Detention
 Center.
 and
 Ben
 and
 some
 other
activists
 are
 on
 this
 private
 signal
chat
 and
 they're
 talking
 about
 doing
 a
noise
 protest
 on
 the
 4th
 of
 July,
 which
they
 think
 would
 be
 this
 spectacular
moment
 of
 symbolism,
 right?
 They're
going
 to
 hold
 a
 protest
 on
 the
 day
 that
America
 celebrates
 freedom
 to
 show
solidarity
 with
 people
 who
 are
 detained
by
 the
 government.
 Mhm.

>> And
 their
 idea
 is
 they're
 going
 to
 set
off
 fireworks
 outside
 of
 this
 ice
facility,
 Prairie
 Land,
 to
 remind
 the
detainees
 that
 they
 haven't
 been
forgotten.
 At
 the
 same
 time
 as
 they're
having
 this
 conversation,

Ben
 has
 another
 idea
 [music]

and
 he
 will
 bring
 that
 idea
 up
 at
 a
gathering
 that
 he's
 holding
 with
 about
[music]

six
 or
 seven
 activists
 at
 a
 house
 in
Dallas
 where
 he
 starts
 showing
 them
videos
 and
 pictures
 he's
 pulled
 off
 of
the
 internet
 of
 the
 Prairieland
Detention
 Center
 and
 he
 begins
 to
 point
out,
 "Look
 at
 this
 guard
 shack.
 It's
 not
very
 well
 manned.
 Look
 [music]
 at
 these
video
 cameras.
 There's
 not
 that
 many
 of
them.
 They
 might
 not
 even
 be
operational.

And
 all
 of
 this
 leads
 to
 him
 saying
 to
the
 group,
 "This
 is
 going
 to
 be
 as
 easy
as
 it
 gets."

>> Hm.
 What
 will
 be
 as
 easy
 [music]
 as
 it
gets?

>> Exactly.
 So
 several
 people
 in
 the
 group
go,
 "What
 are
 you
 talking
 about?
 What?"
And
 he
 goes,
 "Oh,
 we're
 going
 to
 take
the
 place
 and
 free
 the
 detainees."

>> Wow.
 we're
 going
 to
 take
 over
 a
 federal
immigration
 detention
 center.

>> How
 what
 are
 we
 going
 to
 shoot
 our
 way
in?
 What
 are
 we
 going
 to
 kill
 somebody?
And
 he
 says,
 "Oh,
 no,
 no,
 no.
 We're
going
 to
 lay
 down
 suppressive
 fire.
 It's
just
 oppressive
 fire.
 It's
 a
 way
 to
 sort
of
 hold
 them
 back."
 And
 he
 doesn't
really
 explain
 much
 more
 than
 that
 as
far
 as
 we
 know.
 And
 the
 group
 is
 really
shocked
 by
 this.
 And
 they're
 like,
 "Oh,
[music]
 oh,
 that
 sounds
 like
 a
 terrible
idea.
 We
 don't
 want
 to
 do
 that.

>> That's
 not
 what
 we
 signed
 up
 for.

>> That's
 not
 what
 we
 signed
 up
 for.
 And
 so
the
 conversation
 switches
 [music]
 to,
okay,
 well,
 what
 could
 we
 do?
 And
 so
they
 return
 to
 this
 idea
 of
 the
 noise
protest

and
 they
 decide,
 okay,
 we're
 just
 going
to
 do
 that.

>> One
 person
 in
 the
 group
 says,
 so
 do
 we
still
 bring
 our
 guns?
 And
 Ben
 says,
 oh,
definitely.
 [music]

>> With
 that,
 the
 evening
 ends
 and
 they,
you
 know,
 go
 home.

It's
 the
 night
 of
 and
 they
 show
 up
 at
Prairieland.
 They
 park
 about
 a
 quarter
mile
 away
 on
 this
 quiet
 street.
They've
 scoped
 this
 out.
 They're
 very
intent
 on
 making
 [clears throat]
 sure
that
 they're
 secure
 and
 making
 sure
 that
they're
 not
 identifiable.

>> They
 are
 wearing
 black.
 They
 are
 wearing
masks.

They
 have
 walkie-talkies
 to
 communicate
with
 each
 other
 and
 they're
 using
aliases
 which
 they
 always
 use.
 So
 the
group
 gets
 to
 the
 intersection
 where
Prairie
 Land
 is
 and
 most
 of
 them
 hang
 a
left
 and
 they
 head
 off
 to
 this
 grassy
area
 that
 is
 right
 in
 front
 of
 the
window
 inside
 the
 facility
 where
 the
detainees
 might
 be
 able
 to
 come
 and
 look
and
 they
 start
 to
 set
 off
 fireworks

>> as
 planned.

>> As
 planned.

>> Just
 to
 be
 very
 clear,
 they're
approaching
 this,
 the
 vast
 majority
 of
them
 unarmed.

>> Yes.
 There
 are
 a
 few
 important
exceptions,
 however,
 and
 one
 of
 them
 is
Ben.

Ben
 has
 brought
 his
 favorite
 AR-15,
and
 so
 he's
 stayed
 a
 little
 bit
 further
down,
 sort
 of
 near
 the
 guard
 shack,
 to
keep
 guard.
 The
 rest
 of
 the
 group,
they're
 setting
 off
 fireworks.
 They're
shouting
 espironza,
 which
 is
 hope
 in
Spanish.
 And
 you
 see
 at
 the
 window
 this
very
 long
 window
 inside
 the
 facility
 all
[music]
 these
 deninies
 lined
 up
 with
their
 faces
 pressed
 against
 the
 glass.
They
 were
 obviously
 invisibly
 cheered
 by
this.

One
 person
 in
 this
 group
 with
 the
fireworks
 is
 a
 guy
 that
 nobody
 knew
[music]
 and
 starts
 heading
 towards
 the
parking
 lot
 [music]
 and
 has
 some
 spray
paint
 in
 his
 backpack
 and
 starts
 spray
painting
 the
 guard
 shack
 and
 some
 cars
[music]
 and
 writing
 like
 [ __ ]
 you
 pig
and
 traitor
 and
 [ __ ]
 Ice
 and
 things
 like
that.

>> Not
 part
 of
 the
 plan.

>> Not
 part
 of
 the
 plan.
 And
 it
 was
 also
something
 almost
 everybody
 was
 unaware
of.

Meanwhile,
 [music]
 inside
 the
 ICE
facility,
 the
 security
 guards
 are
hearing
 these
 fireworks
 and
 they're
 a
little
 bit
 [music]
 worried
 that
something
 might
 be
 hitting
 the
 building
or
 whatever.
 And
 so,
 two
 of
 them
 go
 out
to
 check
 out
 what's
 going
 on.
 They
 see
these
 fireworks
 going
 off.
 One
 of
 them
walks
 right
 up
 to
 the
 activists
 and
says,
 "Hey,
 you
 know
 what?
 You
 guys,
it's
 time
 to
 go.
 You're
 on
 private
property.
 You
 got
 to
 go."
 And
 the
[music]
 group
 says,
 "Okay."
 Hm.

>> And
 they
 start
 [music]
 packing
 up.
 You
know,
 they've
 kind
 of
 done
 their
 thing.
It's
 beginning
 to
 rain,
 so
 no
 more
fireworks
 are
 really
 going
 to
 get
 set
off
 at
 this
 point.
 And
 they
 take
 off.
And
 [music]
 the
 security
 guard
 who
 had
told
 the
 group
 to
 leave,
 she
 and
 her
partner
 are
 starting
 to
 walk
 towards
 the
parking
 lot
 because
 they're
 hearing
 some
noises.
 They're
 hearing
 some
 breaking
glass.
 They're
 hearing
 some
 pop
 sounding
of
 like
 tires
 being
 popped.
 and
 she
 now
realizes,
 oh,
 there's
 some
 actual
vandalism
 going
 on.
 There's
 the
 spray
paint.
 And
 she
 calls
 the
 security
 desk
inside
 ICE
 and
 said,
 you
 need
 to
 call
the
 police.

So,
 at
 that
 point,
 we
 have
 a
 local
police
 lieutenant
 named
 Thomas
 Gross
 who
answers
 that
 call
 and
 he
 shows
 up
 in
 his
car
 alone
 without
 a
 partner
 and
 he
 sees
all
 this
 graffiti.

All
 of
 a
 sudden,
 somebody
 all
 in
 black
runs
 in
 front
 of
 his
 car.
 He
 parks
 his
car,
 gets
 out,
 he
 shouts
 for
 this
 guy
 to
stop,
 and
 the
 next
 thing
 you
 know,
 Ben,
who's
 wearing
 a
 green
 ski
 mask
 and
 has
moved
 towards
 the
 parking
 lot
 area,
begins
 to
 shoot.

Lieutenant
 Gross
 claims
 that
 he
 did
 not
shoot
 first,

but
 he
 returned
 fire.
 [music]

And
 there's
 a
 quick
 exchange
 of
 fire.
 In
that
 exchange,
 Gross
 is
 shot.
 [music]
</details>

### 搜捕与初步指控

>> 随着格罗斯中尉中弹，一切都变了，对吧？

>> 是的。本开始逃跑，[音乐] 另一名同样正在离开的活动人士看到本从他身边疾驰而过，[音乐] 便问：“你他妈干了什么？”本说：“真见鬼，真见鬼，真见鬼，真见鬼。”他扔下武器消失了。[音乐]

在极短的时间内，大批执法人员赶到了现场。[音乐]

>> 是的。一名警察中弹了，他们想找到可能卷入其中的所有人。

>> 毫无疑问。他们开始抓人。但本躲在草原地设施附近的向日葵田里躲避搜捕，[音乐] 大约一天后，被他联系的几个朋友接走。接下来的两周里，他四处躲藏，流窜于一个朋友家和另一个朋友家之间，[音乐] 直到最终被捕。

[音乐]

>> 那个警察中弹当晚在场、如今已陷入绝境的群体在被捕后，被指控了什么罪名？

>> 最初，他们被指控谋杀未遂。得克萨斯州是一个采取非常激进司法手段的州，他们认定本是枪手，并将其他人认定为促成枪击的从犯。由于在他们的背包和汽车中发现了一些材料，警方认定该团体持有反政府观点。因此检方的观点是：这是一场针对执法人员的有预谋伏击。所有人基本上都被指控谋杀未遂，这将是一起共谋犯罪案件。他们推进案件的方式在许多人看来在某种程度上反应过度，但同时也是相当标准的手段。我是说，他们能够利用这些法律以一种非常严厉的惩罚性方式打击他们。

但就在这之后不久，保守派活动人士查理·柯克（Charlie Kirk）遇刺身亡。[音乐] 到了那个关头，这起案件中的一切都发生了改变。

顺便说一句，我从未向任何人透露过这件事，[音乐] 但查理·柯克生前给我的最后一条信息是，他说我们必须拆解这个国家里正在煽动暴力的激进左翼组织。[音乐]

>> [音乐]

>> 那是他发给我的最后一条信息。

我们马上回来。

<details><summary>Original English</summary>
>> So
 with
 the
 shooting
 of
 Lieutenant
Gross,
 everything
 changes,

>> right?

>> So
 Ben
 begins
 to
 [music]
 run
 away
 and
another
 activist
 who
 is
 also
 walking
away
 sees
 him
 racing
 past
 him
 [music]
and
 goes,
 "What
 the
 [ __ ]
 did
 you
 do?"
And
 Ben
 says,
 "Oh
 [ __ ]
 Oh
 [ __ ]
 Oh
[ __ ]
 Oh
 [ __ ]

and
 he
 [music]
 just
 drops
 his
 weapon
 and
disappears.

And
 within
 a
 very
 short
 [music]
 amount
of
 time,
 all
 of
 these
 law
 enforcement
have
 arrived
 on
 the
 scene.

>> Right.
 A
 cop
 has
 been
 shot
 and
 they
 want
to
 find
 everybody
 who
 might
 be
 involved.

>> Absolutely.
 And
 they
 start
 arresting
people.
 But
 [music]
 Ben
 evades
 capture
by
 hiding
 in
 the
 sunflowers,
 you
 know,
in
 a
 field
 near
 the
 Prairand
 facility
[music]
 until
 about
 a
 day
 or
 so
 later,
he
s
 spirited
 away
 by
 some
 friends
 that
he
 contacted.
 And
 he
 spends
 the
 next
 two
weeks
 kind
 of
 on
 the
 lamb
 hiding
 [music]
in
 the
 home
 of
 one
 friend
 and
 then
another
 friend
 until
 he's
 finally
arrested.

[music]

>> And
 once
 this
 very
 desperate
 group
 who
are
 all
 there
 that
 night
 where
 this
 cop
is
 shot,
 once
 they're
 arrested,
 what
 are
they
 charged
 with?

>> Initially,
 they
 were
 charged
 with
attempted
 murder.
 And
 Texas
 is
 a
 state
that
 takes
 a
 pretty
 aggressive
 approach
and
 had
 identified
 Ben
 as
 the
 shooter.
And
 they
 identified
 the
 rest
 of
 them
 as
sort
 of
 the
 supporting
 cast
 that
 made
that
 shooting
 possible.
 And
 they
 had
identified
 this
 group
 as
 holding
anti-government
 views
 because
 of
 some
materials
 they
 found
 in
 their
 backpacks
and
 their
 cars.
 And
 so
 their
 perspective
was
 this
 was
 a
 planned
 ambush
 of
 law
enforcement

and
 everybody
 is
 basically
 charged
 with
attempted
 murder
 and
 this
 is
 going
 to
 be
a
 conspiracy
 case.
 And
 they
 proceeded
with
 a
 case
 that
 was
 by
 many
 estimations
somewhat
 of
 an
 overreaction
 but
 at
 the
same
 time
 was
 pretty
 standard.
 I
 mean
they
 were
 able
 to
 use
 these
 laws
 to
 go
after
 them
 in
 a
 very
 punitive
 kind
 of
way.

But
 then
 not
 long
 after
 this,
 the
conservative
 activist
 Charlie
 Kirk
 is
killed.
 [music]
 And
 at
 that
 point,
everything
 in
 this
 case
 changes.

And
 let
 me
 tell
 you
 something
 I
 not
share
 with
 anybody,
 [music]
 but
 the
 last
message
 that
 Charlie
 Kirk
 gave
 to
 me
 was
he
 said
 that
 we
 have
 to
 dismantle
[music]

the
 radical
 left
 organizations
 in
 this
country
 that
 are
 fermenting
 violence.

>> [music]

>> That
 was
 the
 last
 message
 that
 he
 sent
me.

We'll
 be
 right
 back.
</details>

### 查理·柯克遇刺与政治定调升级

>> 珍妮特，查理·柯克遇刺究竟是如何影响得州这起起诉的走向的？

>> 特朗普及其政府成员长期以来一直将该国的政治暴力归咎于左翼而非右翼。他们将柯克遇刺案视为了典型范例：看吧，这就是针对一个被广泛认为是左翼眼中钉的人的暴力。随之，他们看到了向左翼宣战的机会。[音乐]

>> 我们将采取一切必要手段，拆解那些正在煽动骚乱、进行开盒人肉、企图鼓动恐怖主义、犯下肆无忌惮暴行[音乐]的组织和实体。

>> 斯蒂芬·米勒和副总统JD·万斯等官员，切实为这一行动奠定了舆论基调。

>> 这不是言论自由。绝不是。我们要追查煽动、协助并参与暴力的非政府组织（NGO）网络。

>> 特朗普总统的领导。我不在乎采取什么形式，[音乐] 可以是《敲诈勒索与腐败组织法》（RICO）指控、共谋指控、针对美国的共谋指控、[音乐] 叛乱指控。必须阻止这种情况。

>> 柯克遇刺后几周内，特朗普发布了几项指令。[音乐] 首先是他最初在社交媒体上发布的一则公告，随后[音乐]——

>> 简直难以置信。这些人是无政府主义者和煽动者，职业无政府主义者和煽动者，他们——

>> 他发布了一项行政令，将Antifa指定为恐怖组织。尽管在法律机制上，并不存在将Antifa像政府指定外国恐怖组织那样指定为恐怖组织的实际法定途径。所以这在某种程度上是一项象征性声明。

>> 明白了。

[音乐]

在那项行政令发布几天后，特朗普发出了另一项指令，指示执法部门针对与该文件中被描述为“反美主义”、“反资本主义”、“反基督教”以及“在移民、种族和性别问题上的极端主义”相关的人员，积极开展国内恐怖主义调查。

>> 有意思。

>> 该备忘录特别要求检察官寻求法律允许范围内的最高惩罚，并指出反法西斯主义是政治暴力的关键源头。

这意味着，查理·柯克遇刺案引发了针对左翼的某种报复行动，政府通过该行动指示执法部门投入巨量资源追捕持有此类观点的人，并予以法律允许的最大限度惩罚。

<details><summary>Original English</summary>
So,
 Janet,
 how
 does
 the
 assassination
 of
Charlie
 Kirk
 end
 up
 influencing
 the
course
 of
 this
 prosecution
 in
 Texas?
 So
Trump
 and
 members
 of
 his
 administration
have
 long
 blamed
 political
 violence
 in
this
 country,

not
 on
 the
 right,
 but
 on
 the
 left.
 And
they
 saw
 the
 Kirk
 assassination
 as
 like
the
 example
 of
 that.
 Here
 it
 is.
Violence
 against
 a
 person
 that
 is
 widely
known
 to
 be
 a
 sort
 of
 lightning
 rod
 for
the
 left.
 And
 so
 with
 that,
 they
 see
 an
opportunity
 to
 declare
 war
 on
 the
 left.
[music]

>> We
 are
 going
 to
 do
 what
 it
 takes
 to
dismantle
 the
 organizations
 and
 the
entities
 that
 are
 fermenting
 riots
 that
are
 doxing,
 that
 are
 trying
 to
 inspire
terrorism,
 that
 are
 committing
 acts
 of
[music]
 wanting
 violence.

>> And
 so
 officials
 like
 Steven
 Miller
 and
and
 JD
 Vance,
 vice
 president,
 really
laid
 out
 the
 rhetorical
 case
 for
 action

>> speech.
 No,
 no.
 We're
 going
 to
 go
 after
the
 NGO
 network
 that
 fermentss,
facilitates,
 and
 engages
 in
 violence.

>> President
 Trump's
 leadership.
 I
 don't
care
 how
 [music]
 it
 could
 be
 a
 RICO
charge,
 a
 conspiracy
 charge,
 conspiracy
against
 the
 United
 States,
 [music]
insurrection.
 It
 has
 to
 stop.

>> Within
 a
 few
 weeks
 of
 the
 Kirk
assassination,
 Trump
 had
 released
[music]

a
 couple
 of
 directives.
 The
 very
 first
one
 was
 he
 made
 an
 announcement
 [music]
initially
 on
 social
 media
 and
 then

>> believe
 it.
 These
 are
 anarchists
 and
agitators,
 professional
 anarchists
 and
agitators
 and
 they
 get

>> he
 released
 an
 executive
 order
designating
 Antifa
 as
 a
 terrorist
organization.
 Even
 though
 there
 is
[music]
 no
 actual
 legal
 mechanism
 to
designate
 Antifa
 as
 a
 terrorist
organization
 in
 the
 same
 manner
 as
[music]
 the
 government
 does
 designate
foreign
 groups
 as
 terrorist
 groups.
 So
this
 is
 kind
 of
 a
 symbolic
 statement.

>> Got
 it.

[music]

And
 a
 few
 days
 after
 that
 executive
order,
 Trump
 sends
 out
 another
 directive
that
 directs
 law
 enforcement

to
 aggressively
 pursue
 domestic
 terror
investigations
 into
 people
 who
 are
associated
 with
 what
 was
 described
 in
this
 document
 as
 anti-Americanism,
 anti-
capitalism,
 anti-Christianity,

>> and
 extremism
 on
 immigration,
 race,
 and
gender.
 Interesting.

>> And
 this
 memo
 specifically
 called
 on
prosecutors
 to
 seek
 the
 highest
penalties
 available
 and
 it
 also
 cites
anti-fascism
 as
 a
 key
 source
 of
political
 violence.

So
 what
 this
 means
 is
 that
 the
 Charlie
Kirk
 assassination
 has
 unleashed
 a
 kind
of
 revenge
 campaign
 on
 the
 left
 by
 which
the
 government
 has
 directed
 law
enforcement
 to
 invest
 a
 tremendous
amount
 of
 its
 resources
 into
 going
 after
people
 who
 hold
 these
 kinds
 of
 views
 and
to
 punish
 them
 to
 the
 highest
 extent
 of
the
 law.
</details>

### 转向“向恐怖主义提供物质支持”指控

>> 好的。在总统接连发布这些指令、并且形成了看待左翼激进活动威胁的全新框架之后，对这起草原地案件产生了怎样的最终影响？

>> 达拉斯的联邦检察官——她当时是代理联邦检察官，名叫南希·拉森（Nancy Larson）——据前检察官称，自从当年春天被任命以来，一直希望能够讨好特朗普政府。她看到了这个机会。她手里有一起涉及执法人员遭枪击、联邦建筑物被损毁的案件，而被指控的个人信奉反政府、反执法机构、反唐纳德·特朗普的意识形态。她手里还拿着司法部的一份指令，指示联邦检察官以最严厉、最严重的方式对每起案件提出指控。综合考量这两点，她决定指控他们“向恐怖主义提供物质支持”。[音乐]

物质支持是一项自90年代以来就存在于法律条文中的反恐法律。[音乐] 它成了检方指控基地组织、哈马斯或任何其他外国恐怖组织支持者的常用手段，因为它可以适用于范围极其广泛的活动。[音乐]

>> 嗯。当它在国内背景下使用时（确实曾被使用过），[音乐] 通常是用来打击那些被公认实质上支持了恐怖活动的人，[音乐] 比如炸毁基础设施、提供破坏电网的物资[音乐]等类似行为。

>> 这并不罕见。罕见的是，它从未被用于起诉抗议者。司法部此前一直非常注意避免这一点。这非常接近于侵犯言论自由、侵犯第一修正案，[音乐] 因此使用它堪称“核选项”，但南希·拉森决定冒险一试。

>> 那么，南希·拉森是如何将这项通常针对外国恐怖分子的法规用在国内抗议者身上的呢？

>> 法律中有一项条款允许检察官追究个人所谓的“恐怖主义行为”。检方指控这些人的方式以及他们之所以使用该法案的耐人寻味之处在于，该法案的这一条款并不要求你必须是恐怖组织的成员，也不要求你自认为实施了任何恐怖主义行为。它所要求的，仅仅是你犯下了政府认定可以构成恐怖主义的某项罪行。

>> 大约有50项联邦罪行可以被归类为恐怖主义行为。最终，拉森确定了三项罪名，使她得以指控这些人向恐怖主义提供物质支持。其中一项是损毁政府财产，即故意破坏；另一项是燃放属于爆炸物范畴的烟花；第三项是企图谋杀联邦执法人员或前来协助联邦执法人员的人士。那处ICE设施由联邦政府的合同聘用人员驻守，因此他们具备某种联邦执法人员的资格，而格罗斯中尉是前来协助他们的。所以枪击他构成了可被归类为恐怖行为的谋杀未遂。

<details><summary>Original English</summary>
>> Okay.
 Once
 the
 president
 issues
 these
backto-back
 directives
 and
 there's
 this
new
 framework
 for
 thinking
 about
 the
threat
 of
 leftwing
 activism,
 what
 ends
up
 being
 the
 impact
 on
 this
 Prairie
 Land
case?
 So,
 the
 US
 attorney,
 she
 was
 an
acting
 US
 attorney
 in
 Dallas,
 her
 name
is
 Nancy
 Larson,
 had
 for
 a
 long
 time
since
 she'd
 been
 appointed
 in
 the
 spring
of
 that
 year,
 in
 fact,
 been
 looking
 to
please
 the
 Trump
 administration.
 And
this
 is
 according
 to
 former
 prosecutors.
And
 she
 saw
 this
 opportunity.
 She
 has
 a
case
 involving
 the
 shooting
 of
 a
 law
enforcement
 officer,
 the
 defacing
 of
 a
federal
 building,
 and
 individuals
 who
are
 charged
 who
 believe
 in
 an
anti-government,
 anti-law
 enforcement,
anti-Donald
 Trump
 ideology.
 She
 also
 has
in
 her
 hand
 a
 directive
from
 the
 justice
 department
 instructing
US
 attorneys
 to
 charge
 every
 case
 in
 the
highest
 most
 serious
 way
 possible.
 So
with
 these
 two
 things
 in
 mind,
 she
decides
 to
 charge
 them
 with
 material
support
 for
 terrorism.

[music]

So
 material
 support
 is
 a
 terrorism
 law
that's
 been
 on
 [music]
 the
 books
 since
the
 '90s.
 It
 became
 a
 sort
 of
 a
 go-to
for
 prosecutors
 who
 are
 looking
 to
 make
cases
 against
 supporters
 of
 al-Qaeda
 or
Hamas
 or
 any
 other
 foreign
 terrorist
groups
 because
 it
 could
 be
 used
 against
a
 very
 broad
 range
 [music]
 of
activities.

>> Mhm.
 When
 it
 is
 used
 in
 a
 domestic
context,
 which
 it
 has
 been,
 [music]
 it's
usually
 used
 to
 go
 after
 people
 who
 have
arguably
 provided
 support
 for
 what
 we
would
 all
 think
 is
 terror,
 [music]
 like
blowing
 up
 infrastructure
 or
 providing
the
 material
 to
 damage
 the
 power
 grid
 or
[music]
 something
 like
 that.

>> And
 that's
 not
 uncommon.
 What
 is
uncommon
 is
 that
 it's
 [music]
 never
 used
against
 protesters.
 And
 the
 DOJ
 has
 made
a
 really
 big
 [music]
 point
 of
 avoiding
that.
 It's
 very
 close
 to
 treading
 on
speech,
 treading
 on
 the
 First
 Amendment,
and
 [music]
 so
 to
 use
 it
 is
 kind
 of
 the
nuclear
 option,

>> but
 Nancy
 Larson
 decided
 to
 go
 for
 it.

>> So,
 how
 does
 Nancy
 Larson
 use
 this
statute
 that
 is
 generally
 focused
 on
foreign
 terrorists
 on
 domestic
protesters?
 So
 there's
 a
 part
 of
 the
 law
that
 allows
 prosecutors
 to
 go
 after
individuals
 for
 what
 they
 call
 terrorist
acts.
 And
 the
 interesting
 thing
 about
the
 way
 they
 charge
 these
 people
 and
 the
reason
 that
 they
 used
 this
 particular
law
 was
 because
 this
 part
 of
 the
 law
does
 not
 require
 you
 to
 be
 a
 member
 of
 a
terrorist
 group
 to
 think
 of
 yourself
 as
committing
 any
 act
 of
 terrorism.
 All
 it
requires
 is
 that
 you
 committed
 one
 of
the
 crimes
 that
 the
 government
 says
 can
be
 terrorism.

>> And
 there
 are
 about
 50
 or
 so
 crimes,
federal
 crimes,
 that
 could
 qualify
 as
 a
terrorist
 act.
 And
 ultimately
 Larson
determined
 that
 there
 were
 three
 crimes
that
 would
 allow
 her
 to
 charge
 these
people
 with
 material
 support
 for
terrorism.
 So
 one
 of
 them
 was
 defacing
government
 property,
 which
 was
vandalism.
 The
 other
 one
 was
 setting
 off
fireworks
 that
 qualified
 as
 explosives

>> and
 the
 attempted
 murder
 of
 federal
 law
enforcement
 or
 someone
 coming
 to
 the
 aid
of
 federal
 law
 enforcement.
 The
 ICE
facility
 was
 manned
 by
 people
 on
contract
 to
 the
 federal
 government.
 So
they
 qualified
 as
 some
 form
 of
 federal
law
 enforcement
 and
 Lieutenant
 Gross
 was
coming
 to
 their
 aid.
 So
 the
 shooting
 of
him
 qualified
 as
 the
 attempted
 murder
that
 could
 qualify
 as
 a
 terrorist
 act.
</details>

### 沃思堡审判与控方策略

>> 检察官打破了种种惯例，以司法部长期以来一直极力避免的方式提起了这些指控。那么，一旦这些指控真正进入法庭，情况又是如何发展的呢？

>> 2月，我前往沃思堡旁听当时共有九名活动人士受审的庭审。需要注意的是，案件是在沃思堡起诉的，因为沃思堡非常保守，沃思堡联邦法院的两位法官也非常保守。

案件开庭时，证明责任落在了政府身上，他们必须证明这些人犯下了所指控的罪行，这不仅包括破坏建筑物或向警察开枪，而且是以政治目的为动机。这正是将其定性为恐怖主义的关键，对吧？为了做到这一点，他们必须引入这群人的意识形态；根据法律，你不能因某人的意识形态而对其起诉，但如果意识形态能够说明动机或意图，你就可以将其作为证据引入。

>> 嗯。

>> 检方在开场白中讲述了一个极富戏剧性的故事：一个在加密聊天平台Signal上聚会、密谋袭击该设施的Antifa小组。他们拿出了在本案中被他们视为证据的所有物品：他们展示了讨论抗议活动和计划的聊天记录；他们将所有这些枪支、所有的AR-15以及武器的照片带进了法庭；他们还提出了本·宋和其他几名活动人士是社会主义步枪协会（SRA）成员的事实。其中一些人还是约翰·布朗枪支俱乐部（John Brown Gun Club）的成员，那是一个激进得多的[音乐]组织。他们还拿出了这些人拥有的所有独立出版物、[音乐]传单和书籍。本案最重要的部分之一是，有几名活动人士参加了一个名为“埃玛·戈德曼读书会”的无政府主义读书小组，该读书会名副其实，确实就是一个读书会。然而，政府却认为埃玛·戈德曼读书会是该Antifa小组的招募基地。

>> 检方在其中串联了大量的线索，并表示在我们看来这就是恐怖主义，这就是Antifa。

但在我们的谈话中，以及你讲述这群抗议者及其动机的过程中，我一直有一个疑问：你为什么从没提过Antifa这个词？那么，这些活动人士与这个概念、这个缩写之间到底是否存在实际联系呢？

>> 认罪并作为污点证人出庭作证的五名活动人士被问及关于Antifa的问题。他们中没有一个人否认自己持有反法西斯观点。事实上，他们中的一些人说：“反法西斯难道不是件好事吗？难道我们不都痛恨法西斯主义吗？”

然而，他们中没有一个人以某种有组织团体的方式认同自己是Antifa。正如我们此前讨论过的，Antifa根本不是一个实体组织，对吧？

>> 在庭审接近尾声的几天里，他们传唤了一名在法庭里旁听了三周的男子出庭作证，名叫凯尔·施德勒（Kyle Shidler）。他在反恐领域鲜为人知，但在右翼圈子里却颇具名气，被视为穆斯林兄弟会问题专家，最近又成为了Antifa问题专家。他对Antifa非常执着。2025年9月，就在柯克遇刺前后，他在一家右翼杂志上发表了一篇题为《如何瓦解极左翼极端网络》的文章。他将其描述为应对激进左翼意识形态和组织的行动路线图。在路线图的建议中，包括敦促司法部提起煽动共谋罪以及向恐怖主义提供物质支持罪的指控。

>> 这正是后来发生的事情。

>> 没错。凯尔·施德勒为检方制定了行动模板，然后为检方出庭作证。

>> 不仅如此，他还创立了检方在起诉书和庭审中使用的Antifa定义。对于任何非司法部雇员、非律师的平民参与向检察官就联邦恐怖主义起诉书的任何措辞提供咨询，都是极其罕见的。施德勒被要求界定什么是Antifa，以及什么行为属于Antifa行为。

>> 属于Antifa风格，对吧。

>> 他作证说，穿戴“黑块”（Black Bloc）——即黑衣服和黑面具——既是Antifa风格的行为，又可能与潜在的暴力意图相关。

他针对对讲机的使用作证。他针对化名的使用作证。庭审中有人指出，这些人在Signal聊天中从未以任何形式谈及过暴力。他说：“那当然了，因为那违反了安全文化。他们当然绝不会这么做。”

>> “因为我们无法证明你是恐怖分子，这就意味着你是恐怖分子。”这种逻辑被反复使用。这是一种高度循环的论证。当施德勒作证完毕后，政府基本上结束了举证。

<details><summary>Original English</summary>
>> So
 once
 this
 prosecutor
 breaks
 all
 kinds
of
 norms
 and
 files
 these
 charges
 in
 a
way
 that
 the
 Department
 of
 Justice
 has
long
 avoided,
 what
 happens
 once
 those
charges
 actually
 reach
 the
 courtroom.
 So
in
 February
 I
 went
 to
 Fort
 Worth
 to
attend
 the
 trial
 of
 these
 at
 this
 point
it
 was
 nine
 activists

and

it's
 important
 to
know
 that
 it
 was
 prosecuted
 in
 Fort
Worth
 because
 Fort
 Worth
 is
 very
conservative
 and
 the
 two
 judges
 in
 the
Fort
 Worth
 federal
 courthouse
 are
 very
conservative

>> when
 the
 case
 open.
 So
 the
 onus
 is
 on
the
 government
 to
 prove
 that
 these
people
 did
 what
 they
 accuse
 them
 of
doing,
 which
 is
 not
 just
 vandalizing
 a
building
 or
 shooting
 at
 a
 police
officer,
 but
 doing
 that
 for
 a
 political
purpose.
 That's
 what
 would
 make
 it
terrorism,
 right?
 And
 so
 in
 order
 to
 do
that,
 they
 must
 bring
 in
 their
 ideology,
which
 under
 law
 you
 cannot
 prosecute
 a
person
 for.
 But
 you
 can
 bring
 an
ideology
 if
 it
 informs
the
 motive
 or
 the
 intent.

>> Mhm.

>> So
 the
 prosecution
 opens
 their
 case
 with
sort
 of
 a
 spectacular
 story
of
 an
 Antifa
 cell
 that
 met
 on
 Signal,
 an
encrypted
 chat
 platform
 to
 discuss
 their
plans
 to
 attack
 this
 facility.
 and
 they
bring
 out

all
 the
 things
 that
 they
 consider
 the
evidence
 in
 this
 case.
 So
 they
 bring
 out
chat
 transcripts
 where
 they
 discuss
 the
protest
 and
 the
 planning.
 They
 bring
 out
into
 the
 courtroom
 all
 these
 guns,
 all
these
 AR-15s
 and
 photographs
 of
 weapons
and
 they
 bring
 in
 the
 fact
 that
 Ben
 Song
and
 a
 number
 of
 the
 other
 activists
 were
members
 of
 the
 SRA,
 the
 Socialist
 Rifle
Association.
 Some
 were
 members
 of
 the
John
 Brown
 Gun
 Club,
 which
 is
 a
 much
more
 militant
 [music]
 kind
 of
organization.
 And
 they
 bring
 in
 the
 fact
that
 they
 had
 all
 these
 zenes
 and
[music]
 flyers
 and
 books.
 And
 one
 of
 the
most
 important
 parts
 of
 this
 case
 was
that
 a
 number
 of
 the
 activists
 were
involved
 in
 an
 anarchist
 book
 group
called
 the
 Emma
 Goldman
 book
 club,
 which
was
 exactly
 what
 it
 sounds
 like.
 It
 was
a
 book
 club.
 And
 yet
 the
 government
considered
 the
 Emma
 Goldman
 book
 club
 to
be
 the
 recruiting
 ground
 for
 the
 Antifa
cell.

>> So
 the
 prosecution
 is
 connecting
 a
 lot
of
 dots
 here
 and
 they
 say
 in
 our
 view
this
 is
 terrorism
 and
 this
 is
 Antifa.
But
 I
 have
 the
 question
 of
 why
 so
 far
 in
our
 conversation
 and
 the
 way
 you've
talked
 about
 this
 group
 of
 protesters
and
 what
 motivated
 them
 why
 you
 never
mentioned
 the
 word
 Antifa.
 So
 was
 there
any
 actual
 connection
 between
 these
activists
 and
 that
 idea
 that
 acronym?
 A
question
 was
 put
 to
 five
 activists
 who
plead
 guilty
 and
 were
 cooperators
 and
testified

about
 Antifa.
 Not
 one
 of
 them
 denied
that
 they
 held
 anti-fascist
 views.
 And
in
 fact,
 some
 of
 them
 said,
 "Isn't
 it
 a
good
 thing
 to
 be
 anti-fascist?"
 Right?
Don't
 we
 all
 hate
 fascism?

None
 of
 them,
 however,
 identified
 as
Antifa
 in
 a
 sort
 of
 organized
 group
 way.
And
 we've
 already
 discussed
 how
 Antifa

>> isn't
 really
 an
 organized
 group,

>> right?

>> And
 so
 on.
 One
 of
 the
 last
 days
 of
 the
trial,
 they
 call
 to
 the
 stand
 a
 guy
who's
 been
 sitting
 in
 the
 courtroom
 for
3
 weeks
 named
 Kyle
 Schneider.
 He
 is
 a
little
 known
 figure
 in
 the
 world
 of
counterterrorism,
 but
 is
 a
 well-known
figure
 on
 the
 right
 as
 being
 an
 expert
on
 the
 Muslim
 Brotherhood
 and
 most
recently
 on
 Antifa.
 He's
 very
 fixated
 on
Antifa.
 And
 in
 September
 of
 2025,
right
 around
 the
 time
 that
 Kirk
 was
killed,
 he
 published
 an
 essay
 in
 a
right-wing
 magazine
 called
 How
 to
Dismantle
 Far-Light
 Extremist
 Networks.
And
 he
 described
 that
 as
 a
 road
 map
 for
countering
 radical
 left
 Ideologies
 and
Organizations.
 Among
 the
 roadmap
recommendations
 was
 for
 the
 justice
department
 to
 bring
 sedicious
 conspiracy
and
 material
 support
 for
 terrorism
charges

>> which
 is
 what
 happens

>> exactly.
 Kyle
 Shidler

>> creates
 the
 template
 for
 the
 prosecution
and
 then
 testifies
 for
 the
 prosecution.

>> And
 not
 only
 that,
 he
 created
 the
definition
 of
 Antifa
 that
 the
prosecution
 used
 in
 its
 indictment
 and
used
 in
 the
 trial.
 I
 mean
 this
 is
 highly
unusual
 for
 any
 civilian
 non
 DOJ
employee
 non-
 lawyer
 to
 be
 consulting
with
 the
 prosecutors
 on
 any
 wording
 of
 a
federal
 terrorism
 indictment
 any
 of
 the
wording.
 So
 Shidler
 is
 asked
 to
essentially
 identify
 what
 Antifa
 is
 and
what
 would
 be
 behavior
 that
 Antifa

>> that's
 Antifa
 like
 right
 so
 he
 testifies
that
 wearing
 black
 block
 which
 is
 you
know
 the
 black
 clothing
 and
 the
 black
mask
 is
 both
 Antifaike
 behavior
 and
possibly
 could
 be
 connected
 to
 a
potentially
 violent
 intent.

He
 testifies
 about
 the
 use
 of
walkie-talkies.
 He
 testifies
 about
 the
use
 of
 aliases.
 At
 one
 point,
 a
 point
 is
made
 that
 none
 of
 these
 people
 in
 their
signal
 chats
 ever
 talked
 about
 violence
at
 all
 in
 any
 capacity.
 And
 he
 says,
 "Well,
 of
 course
 not,
 because
 that
 would
be
 a
 violation
 of
 security
 culture.
 Of
course,
 they
 would
 never
 do
 this

>> because
 we
 can't
 prove
 that
 you're
 a
terrorist.
 That
 means
 that
 you're
 a
terrorist."
 Has
 been
 used
 over
 and
 over
again.
 It's
 not
 circular.
 It's
 a
 very
circular
 logic.
 So
 when
 Shidler
 was
done,
 the
 government
 more
 or
 less
 rested
its
 case.
</details>

### 辩方应对与判决结果

>> 那么辩方对此是如何回应的？他们代表拘留中心外的那群人提出了怎样的辩护论点？

>> 辩方在整个过程的每一步都在挑战控方的论点。他们的主张是：这是一场演变成意外的和平抗议。因此在整个审判过程中，在交叉质询和答辩中，他们不断质疑控方的叙事，并指出：“很遗憾，你们在这里所说的根本无法证明你们的主控罪名。你们根本没有证实指控。”因此，当检方结束举证时，辩方也随之结束了举证。

>> 辩方认为自己不需要提出太多抗辩证据、因为控方未能令人信服地证实其主张，这种想法是正确的吗？

不。

>> 他们错了。

>> 他们错了。陪审团大约花了整整两天时间，裁定每一名被告全部有罪。并非所有人都被判犯有谋杀未遂罪——只有本被判谋杀未遂罪成立，但他们全员都被判向恐怖主义提供物质支持罪成立。

>> 嗯，这是所有指控中最具挑衅性、最不寻常的一项。

>> 确实。两个月后，他们被正式宣判。

量刑结果令人震惊。[音乐]

>> 怎么说？

>> 让我们先从一个当晚甚至根本不在现场的人说起。他的名字叫丹尼尔·桑切斯·埃斯特拉达（Daniel Sanchez Estrada）。他是其中一名草原地抗议者的丈夫。他被指控并定罪为隐匿文件，以及与其妻子合谋隐匿文件——那些文件后来被证实是警方在他汽车后备箱里发现的一箱左翼小册子和其他宣传材料。

>> 他被判处30年监禁。

>> 哇。他的妻子是策划这场抗议的人之一——

>> 而且她是想要举行噪音抗议的主要推动者。

>> 她是一名诗人，一名导乐，也是那个喊出“esperanza”的人。[音乐]

>> 嗯。

>> 她被判了70年。

>> 哇。为什么是70年？

>> 表面上的理由是——

>> 没有武器，没有暴力。

>> 不仅没有武器，没有暴力，她还明确口头反对带枪。她是那个说过“我不赞成带枪，那可能会让局势升温”的人。但她深度参与了这场抗议的策划。而这种策划，使她成为了潜在的恐怖分子。其他人的刑期同样严酷。该群体中的大多数其他人被判处50年监禁。[音乐]

>> 你能帮我把这些判决放在参照背景中对比一下吗？

>> 有意思的是，在这个国家，大多数因向恐怖主义提供物质支持而被起诉的人，刑期都在10年以下。

>> 我的意思是，这种刑期是你身为贩毒集团头目、或者是黑手党高层成员才会得到的刑期。贩毒集团或黑手党的高层头目——

>> 对无数人的死亡负有责任。

>> 因极端、极端的暴力导致无数人死亡。

>> 而这里并没有任何人丧命。

>> 是的，没有人丧命。我必须说明，向格罗斯中尉开枪的本·宋被判处了100年监禁。而格罗斯中尉的伤势相对较轻。他甚至没有住院——他去了医院，接受了治疗，大约一小时后就出院了。

<details><summary>Original English</summary>
>> So
 how
 does
 the
 defense
 respond
 to
 this?
What
 what
 argument
 does
 it
 put
 forward
on
 behalf
 of
 the
 folks
 who
 are
 outside
this
 detention
 center?

>> So
 the
 defense
 has
 been
 challenging
 the
prosecution's
 argument
 every
 step
 of
 the
way.
 Their
 argument
 is
 that
 this
 was
 a
peaceful
 protest
 that
 went
 wrong.
 And
 so
throughout
 the
 trial,
 in
cross-examination,
 in
 their
 responses,
they're
 constantly
 challenging
 this
narrative
 and
 saying,
 "I'm
 sorry,
 but
what
 you're
 saying
 here
 does
 not
 amount

>> to
 what
 you
 said

>> to
 what
 you
 said.
 It's
 just
 you're
 not
proving
 your
 case."
 So
 when
 the
prosecution
 rests,
 the
 defense
 rests.

>> Was
 the
 defense
 right
 to
 think
 that
 they
didn't
 need
 to
 put
 on
 much
 of
 a
 case
because
 the
 prosecution
 had
 failed
 to
persuasively
 make
 its
 case?

No,

>> they
 were
 wrong.

>> They
 were
 wrong.
 And
 it
 took
 about
 two
days
 for
 the
 jury
 to
 find
 every
 single
one
 of
 those
 defendants
 guilty.
 They
weren't
 all
 guilty
 of
 attempted
 murder.
Only
 Ben
 was
 found
 guilty
 of
 attempted
murder,
 but
 they
 were
 all
 found
 guilty
of
 material
 support
 for
 terror.

>> H
 the
 most
 provocative,
 the
 most
 unusual
of
 the
 charges.

>> Right.
 And

two
 months
 after
 this,
 they
 are
sentenced.

And
 the
 sentences
 were
 astonishing.
[music]

>> What
 do
 you
 mean?

>> Well,
 let's
 start
 with
 a
 man
 who
 wasn't
even
 at
 the
 scene
 that
 night.
 His
 name
is
 Daniel
 Sanchez
 Estrada.
 He's
 the
husband
 of
 one
 of
 the
 Prairie
 Land
protesters
 and
 he
 was
 charged
 and
convicted
 of
 concealing
 documents
 and
with
 his
 wife
 conspiring
 to
 conceal
documents
 which
 turned
 out
 to
 be
 a
 box
of
 leftist
 pamphlets
 and
 other
 material
the
 police
 found
 in
 the
 trunk
 of
 his
car.

>> He
 was
 sentenced
 to
 30
 years.

>> Wow.
 his
 wife
 who
 was
 one
 of
 the
 people
who
 planned
 the
 protest

>> and
 was
 the
 sort
 of
 driver
 of
 wanting
 to
do
 a
 noise
 protest.

>> She's
 a
 poet.
 She's
 a
 [music]
 a
 doula
and
 she
 was
 the
 one
 that
 shouted
espironza.

>> Mhm.

>> She
 got
 70
 years.

>> Wow.
 Why
 70
 years?

>> Ostensibly
 because

>> no
 arms,
 no
 violence.
 not
 only
 no
 arms,
no
 violence,
 she
 vocally
 opposed
 guns.
She
 was
 the
 one
 that
 said,
 "I
 don't
 know
about
 guns.
 That
 could
 make
 the
situation
 more
 hot."
 But
 she
 was
 heavily
involved
 in
 planning
 this
 protest.
 And
so
 the
 planning
 is
 what
 made
 her
 a
potential
 terrorist.
 And
 the
 other
sentences
 were
 just
 as
 harsh.
 Most
 of
the
 others
 in
 the
 group
 got
 50
 [music]
years.

Can
 you
 just
 put
 these
 sentences
 into
some
 perspective
 for
 me?

>> Interestingly
 enough,
 most
 people
 who
are
 prosecuted
 for
 material
 support
 for
terrorism
 in
 this
 country
 receive
 under
10
 years.

>> I
 mean,
 these
 are
 the
 kinds
 of
 sentences
that
 you
 would
 get
 if
 you
 were
 the
leader
 of
 a
 drug
 cartel
 that
 you
 would
get
 if
 you
 were
 a
 member
 of
 the
 mafia.
high
 level.
 These
 are
 high
 level
 leaders
of
 drug
 cartels
 or
 mafiosas
 or

>> responsible
 for
 untold
 numbers
 of
deaths.

>> Untold
 numbers
 of
 deaths
 for
 extreme
extreme
 violence.

>> And
 no
 one
 was
 killed
 here.

>> No,
 no
 one
 was
 killed.
 And
 I
 should
 say
that
 Ben
 Song,
 who
 shot
 at
 Lieutenant
Gross,
 was
 given
 a
 sentence
 of
 a
 hundred
years.
 And
 Lieutenant
 Gross's
 injury
 was
relatively
 minor.
 He
 was
 not
hospitalized.
 as
 he
 went
 to
 the
hospital,
 was
 treated,
 and
 was
 released
in
 about
 an
 hour.
</details>

### 判决影响与反恐法泛化的危险

>> 那么，“向恐怖主义提供物质支持”这项指控，对导致如此惊人的漫长刑期起到了多大的核心作用？

>> 它无疑加重了刑期的长度。但我认为这些判决的关键核心在于其信仰体系。

因为尽管控方不能因其意识形态起诉他们，只能引入意识形态来证明其意图，但量刑的法官却可以利用意识形态施加这些极长的刑期。事实上，据报道其中一名法官在量刑时表示，他施加这些刑罚是为了威慑可能持有这种意识形态的其他人。

>> 嗯。珍妮特，我们应该如何看待这起案件及其结果？我们应该认为它只是一个个案孤例，因为它是同类案件中的第一起、因为案情中的每个要素看起来都如此特殊，包括它是在该国一个非常保守的地区审理的，而在那里我不得不认为陪审团可能对被告并不是特别同情？还是我们应该把它视为政府开始将自己不喜欢的抗议和意识形态定性为恐怖主义的重要范本？

>> 我甚至不认为这是一个缺乏同情心的陪审团。陪审团成员曾在陪审员室里发生过激烈的言语争论，以至于外界在他们入场宣读判决时都能听到激烈的辩论声。我认为至少有一名陪审员当时哭过，显得非常痛苦。

但一旦面对那些不容置疑的事实，他们实际上陷入了困境，因为政府实质上对他们说：“这些事实表明这些人就是恐怖分子。”

>> 所以从某种意义上说，一旦提出了这些指控，陪审团就被套牢了。

>> 是的，我认为是这样。在这起案件中，所谓的恐怖行为之一就是故意破坏公物。在许多许多其他情况下，破坏公物仅仅就是破坏公物而已。这就是陪审团发现自己所处的困境。除了警察中弹之外，他们面对的是相对轻微的罪行。但一旦它被定为恐怖行为，你就进入了另一个范畴。这就是为什么你会看到一群大多数没有任何犯罪记录的活动人士，被判处30年、40年、50年、70年、100年的监禁。

>> 嗯。这一结果让人感觉与特朗普政府明确将左翼激进活动和活动人士视为恐怖主义的决定存在着不可分割的联系。我只是回想起你在我们对话更早前提到的最初那项行政命令，当时总统逐项列出了他希望作为国内恐怖主义处理的所有抗议活动形式，而那些全都是他所反对的观点——

>> 毫无疑问。

>> 反资本主义、反基督教、在移民问题上的极端主义。

这不可避免地引发了一个问题：如果现任总统在某种意义上想要将他不喜欢的抗议活动定为犯罪（恰好眼下是左翼激进活动），谁能保证下一任总统不会将右翼或中间派的激进活动定为犯罪呢？谁知道呢？我的意思是，这种真实风险有多大？

>> 这是一个真正的风险。我认为这是切实的风险。检察官有一句话：“不良的事实造就不良的法律。”这意味着什么呢？这意味着你的案件中包含了一个如果你作为辩护律师会觉得很难办的事实，对吧？你面对着一个看起来很糟糕的事实。在本案中，那就是一名警察遭到了枪击。你无法淡化一名警察中弹的事实，对吧？

>> 对。

>> 一旦发生这种情况，就会打开潘多拉魔盒。正是这一点开启了这种许可机制。如果没有警察遭枪击这一事实，我不确定这些人是否会被起诉——也许根本不会，但肯定不会以他们所遭遇的这种方式被起诉。

但随着警察遭枪击事件的发生，由于出现了一个无可争议的暴力行为，这使政府基本上可以说：“看吧，他们就是恐怖分子。看吧，他们就是暴力的。这就是政治暴力。让我们把他们全都作为暴力恐怖分子起诉。”而这之所以会造就不良法律，是因为如果它没有在上诉法院以某种方式被推翻（目前上诉结果如何还非常不确定），那么这种不良法律可以适用于任何人。

只要你基于自己的信念、认为他人的意识形态是危险的，从而建立了打击异见者的许可机制，任何人都可以使用同样的模板去打击另一群不同的人。因此，虽然这项机制目前被用于针对左翼，但四年或五年后，它完全可能轻易被用于对付右翼。根据所发生的一切，1月6日国会大厦事件在许多方面很容易被称为恐怖主义事件。人们在1月6日所做的许多事情都符合标准，但当时他们并没有以这种方式被起诉。他们实际上在服刑极短时间后就走出了监狱。但是，如果在另一个政府任期内发生类似事件，他们完全可以追究所有人的责任，让事态变成极其严重的局面，让人被判处40年、50年——

>> 是的。突然之间，我们建立了一个自上而下、从总统到下层都认为“恐怖主义取决于观察者眼光”的体系。这在这个国家的法律传统中是前所未有的。恐怖主义本应是客观明确的。认为恐怖主义取决于观察者眼光的观点，正是宣称反恐战争的危险所在。[音乐]

作为一个长期报道这一领域的人，这就是为什么任何参与过恐怖主义起诉、在执法部门工作过的人都明白，一旦你宣称发起反恐战争——[音乐]在很大程度上这其实是一场针对恐惧的战争，对吧？把恐惧武器化，你就是在武器化你的恐惧。你是在武器化你对敌人的非人化对待。[音乐]

一旦你能做到这一点，它就无法被阻止。[音乐] 这意味着只要你能找到将其定性为恐怖主义的话语构陷，你就可以被指控为真正任何事物的激进支持者，[音乐] 或是别人口中的激进支持者。

>> 这正是我们在草原地拘留中心案中所做的。[音乐] 我认为在这起案件中，我们已经拐进了一个危险的死角。[音乐]

好的，珍妮特，非常感谢你。很感谢你的分享。

>> 非常感谢你的邀请。[音乐]

[音乐]

珍妮特·赖特曼的新书探讨了美国反恐战争所付出的隐秘代价。[音乐]

这本名为《遗产：五幕美国悲剧》（The Inheritance: An American Tragedy in Five Acts）的著作已于本月早些时候出版。[音乐]

[音乐]

我们马上回来。

<details><summary>Original English</summary>
>> So,
 how
 integral
 was
 the
 charge
 of
material
 support
 for
 terrorism
 to
 the
astonishing
 length
 of
 these
 sentences?

>> It
 certainly
 enhanced
 the
 length
 of
 the
sentences.
 But
 I
 think
 what
 was
 integral
to
 these
 sentences
 was
 the
 belief
system.

Because
 even
 though
 the
 prosecution
could
 not
 prosecute
 them
 for
 their
ideology
 and
 could
 only
 bring
 in
 their
ideology
 to
 suggest
 their
 intent,
 the
judge
 who
 sentenced
 them
 could
 use
 the
ideology
 to
 impose
 these
 extremely
 long
sentences.
 And
 one
 of
 the
 judges
 in
 fact
reportedly
 said
 during
 sentencing
 that
he
 was
 imposing
 these
 sentences
 as
 a
deterrent
 to
 other
 people
 who
 might
share
 this
 ideology.
 Hm.
 Jen,
 how
 should
we
 think
 about
 this
 case
 and
 its
outcome?
 Should
 we
 think
 of
 it
 as
 an
outlier
 because
 it
 was
 the
 first
 of
 its
kind?
 because
 every
 element
 of
 it
 seems
so
 specific,
 including
 the
 fact
 that
 it
was
 tried
 in
 a
 very
 conservative
 part
 of
the
 country
 where
 I
 have
 to
 imagine
 the
jury
 may
 not
 have
 been
 particularly
sympathetic
 to
 the
 defendants
 or
 should
we
 view
 it
 as
 a
 really
 important
template
 for
 how
 the
 government
 starts
to
 treat
 protests
 and
 ideologies
 that
 it
doesn't
 like
 as
 terrorism.

I
 don't
 even
 think
 this
 was
 an
unsympathetic
 jury.
 There
 were
 jurors
who
 argued
 vocally
 in
 the
 jury
 room
 to
the
 point
 where
 people
 heard
 them
 having
a
 very
 spirited
 debates
 about
 this
 case
when
 they
 came
 in
 to
 deliver
 their
verdict.
 I
 think
 at
 least
 one
 of
 the
jurors
 had
 been
 crying
 and
 seemed
 very
distraught.

But
 once
 they
 were
 confronted
 with
 these
undisputable
 facts,
 they
 were
 really
 in
a
 bind
 because
 the
 government
 had
essentially
 said
 to
 them,
 "These
 facts
make
 these
 people
 terrorists."

>> So
 in
 a
 sense,
 once
 these
 charges
 were
brought,
 this
 jury
 was
 boxed
 in.

>> Yeah,
 I
 think
 so.
 In
 this
 case,
 one
 of
those
 acts
 of
 terror
 was
 vandalism.
Vandalism
 under
 many,
 many,
 many,
 many
other
 circumstances
 is
 simply
 vandalism.
And
 so
 that
 was
 the
 bind
 that
 the
 jury
found
 themselves
 in.
 They
 were
 looking
at
 crimes
 that
 were
 fairly
 minimal
 aside
from
 the
 shooting
 of
 a
 police
 officer.
But
 when
 it
 becomes
 an
 act
 of
 terror,
now
 you're
 in
 a
 different
 category.
 And
so
 that
 is
 how
 you
 find
 a
 group
 of
activists,
 most
 of
 whom
 don't
 have
criminal
 records
 of
 any
 sort
going
 to
 prison
 for
 30,
 40,
 50,
 70,
 100
years.

>> Mhm.
 And
 that
 outcome
 feels
 totally
inextricably
 linked
 to
 the
 Trump
administration's
 decision
 to
 articulate
this
 idea
 that
 leftwing
 activism
 and
activists

should
 be
 seen
 as
 terrorism.
 I'm
 just
thinking
 back
 to
 that
 original
 executive
order
 that

>> you
 mentioned
 much
 earlier
 in
 our
conversation
 where
 the
 president
 was
ticking
 through
 all
 the
 forms
 of
activism
 that
 he
 wanted
 to
 treat
 as
domestic
 terrorism
 and
 they're
 all
viewpoints
 that
 he
 disagrees
 with

>> absolutely

>> anti-
 capitalism,
 anti-Christianity,
extremism
 on
 immigration.

And
 that
 inevitably
 raises
 the
 question
if
 the
 president
 right
 now
 wants
 to
 in
 a
certain
 sense

criminalize
 protest
 that
 he
 doesn't
 like
which
 happens
 in
 this
 moment
 to
 be
leftwing
 activism.

Who's
 to
 say
 that
 the
 next
 president
won't
 criminalize
 the
 activism
 of
 the
right
 or
 the
 middle?
 Who
 knows?
 I
 mean,
how
 much
 is
 that
 a
 real
 risk?

>> That's
 a
 real
 risk.
 I
 think
 that's
 a
real
 risk.
 I
 mean,
 I
 think
 that
 there's
so
 there's
 a
 line
 that
 prosecutors
 use,
bad
 facts
 make
 bad
 law.
 And
 what
 that
means,
 so
 what
 that
 means
 is
 that
 you
have
 a

a
 fact
 in
 your
 case
 that
 makes
 your
case,
 if
 you're
 a
 defense
 attorney,
 kind
of
 loable,
 right?
 You
 have
 a
 fact
 that
looks
 bad.
 In
 this
 case,
 it
 was
 the
shooting
 of
 a
 police
 officer.
 You
 you
cannot
 minimize

>> that
 a
 police
 officer
 was
 shot,

>> right?
 Once
 you
 did
 that,
 that
 opens
 up
a
 huge
 can
 of
 worms.
 And
 that's
 the
thing
 that
 initiates
 this
 permission
structure.
 Without
 the
 shooting
 of
 the
police
 officer,
 I'm
 not
 sure
 these
 guys
would
 have
 gotten
 prosecuted.
 Maybe
 not
at
 all,
 but
 certainly
 not
 in
 the
 way
that
 they
 were.

>> But
 with
 the
 shooting
 of
 the
 police
officer,
 where
 you
 have
 an
 undisputed
act
 of
 violence,
 that
 allowed
 the
government
 to
 basically
 say,
 "Well,
 see,
they
 are
 terrorists.
 See,
 they
 are
violent.
 here's
 political
 violence.
Let's
 charge
 them
 all
 as
 violent
terrorists.
 And
 where
 that
 makes
 bad
 law
is
 that
 if
 it
 is
 not
 somehow
 overturned
in
 an
 appeals
 court,
 which
 at
 the
 moment
it's
 very
 uncertain
 what
 will
 happen.
That
 bad
 law
 can
 be
 applied
 to
 anybody.
So
 as
 long
 as
 you've
 created
 a
permission
 structure
 to
 go
 after
 people
that
 you
 disagree
 with
 based
 on
 your
belief
 that
 their
 ideology

is
 dangerous,

then
 anybody
 can
 use
 that
 same
 template
to
 go
 after
 a
 different
 group
 of
 people.
So
 while
 this
 was
 used
 against
 the
 left,
four
 years
 or
 5
 years
 from
 now,
 it
 could
easily
 be
 used
 against
 the
 right.
 This
is
 the
 kind
 of
 case
 that
 January
 6th
arguably
 based
 on
 everything
 that
occurred
 could
 easily
 be
 called
 a
terrorist
 incident.
 There
 were
 a
 million
things
 that
 people
 did
 in
 on
 January
 6th
that
 qualified,
 but
 they
 weren't
 charged
in
 that
 matter.
 And
 then
 they
 actually
walked
 out
 of
 prison
 after
 a
 very
 short
amount
 of
 time.
 But
 if
 there's
 something
similar
 like
 that
 happened
 in
 another
administration,
 they
 could
 go
 after
 all
of
 them
 and
 make
 it
 a
 a
 serious
 serious
situation
 where
 people
 would
 be
sentenced
 to
 4050,

>> right?
 And
 suddenly
 we
 have
 a
 system
from
 the
 top
 on
 down,
 the
 president
 on
down
 where
 terrorism
 is
 in
 the
 eye
 of
the
 beholder.
 And
 that
 is
 not
 something
we've
 ever
 had.
 That's
 not
 a
 tradition
we
 have
 legally
 in
 this
 country.
Terrorism
 is
 supposed
 to
 be
 terrorism.
The
 idea
 that
 terrorism
 is
 in
 the
 eye
 of
the
 beholder
 is

the
 danger

in
 declaring
 a
 war
 on
 terror.

[music]

As
 somebody
 who's
 been
 reporting
 on
 it
for
 a
 long
 time,
 this
 is
 [music]
why

anyone
 who
 has
 been
 involved
 in
prosecuting
 terrorism,
 in
 [music]
working
 in
 law
 enforcement,

they
 understand
 that
 that
 once
 you
declare
 a
 war
 on
 terror,
 [music]
 which
is
 actually
 a
 war
 on
 fear
 in
 a
 lot
 of
ways,
 right?
 Weaponizing
 that,
 you're
weaponizing
 your
 fear.
 You're
weaponizing

your
 dehumanization
 of
 your
 enemy.
[music]

When
 you
 can
 do
 that,
 that
 cannot
 be
stopped.
 [music]
 That
 could
 mean
 you're
a
 radical
 supporter
 or
 what
 somebody
says
 is
 a
 radical
 supporter
 of
 literally
anything
 [music]

as
 long
 as
 you
 can
 find
 the
 construct
 to
brand
 it
 as
 terrorism.

>> And
 that's
 what
 we
 did
 with
 Prairieland.
[music]

And
 I
 think
 this
 is
 a
 dangerous
 corner
that
 we've
 turned
 in
 this
 case.
[music]

Well,
 Janet,
 thank
 you
 very
 much.
Appreciate
 it.

>> Thank
 you
 so
 much
 for
 having
 me.
[music]

[music]

Janet
 Wrightman's
 new
 book
 is
 about
 the
hidden
 costs
 of
 the
 US
 war
 on
 terrorism.
[music]

The
 book
 entitled
 The
 Inheritance:
 An
American
 Tragedy
 in
 [music]
 Five
 Acts
was
 published
 earlier
 this
 month.
[music]

[music]

We'll
 be
 right
 back.
</details>

### 今日其他要闻与制作团队

以下是今天您还需要了解的其他消息。[音乐]

周一，人工智能巨头Anthropic在提交即将上市的文件时，[音乐] 首次公布了其迄今为止最详尽的内部财务状况。文件显示，Anthropic今年上半年的收入激增至超过160亿美元，[音乐] 比一年前增长了14倍。但该公司的债务也在激增。[音乐]

预计将于下月进行的Anthropic首次公开募股（IPO）[音乐] 对该公司的估值可能高达2万亿美元。这将使这家成立仅5年的初创企业[音乐] 成为全球最有价值的公司之一。

本期节目由奥斯塔·查图尔维迪（Austa Chaturvedi）和杰克·迪多罗（Jack D'Isidoro）制作，[音乐] 亚历克斯·斯特恩（Alex Stern）和埃里克·克鲁普克（Erick Krupke）协助制作。迈克尔·贝努瓦（Michael Benoist）负责编辑，克里斯·哈塞尔（Chris Haxel）和罗布·齐普科（Rob Szypko）协助编辑。配乐由布拉德·费希尔（Brad Fisher）、玛丽安·洛萨诺（Marion Lozano）、艾丽西亚（Alicia）、[音乐] 丹·鲍威尔（Dan Powell）和罗恩·德米斯托（Rowan Niemisto）创作。音响工程由艾丽莎·莫克斯利（Alyssa Moxley）完成。我们的主题音乐由Wonderly创作。[音乐]

以上就是今天的《每日新闻》。我是迈克尔·巴巴罗。明天见。

<details><summary>Original English</summary>
Here's
 what
 else
 you
 need
 [music]
 to
know
 today.
 On
 Monday,
 the
 artificial
intelligence
 giant
 Anthropic
 offered
[music]
 the
 most
 detailed
 look
 inside
its
 finances
 to
 date
 when
 it
 filed
paperwork
 to
 soon
 become
 a
 publicly
traded
 company.
 [music]

The
 documents
 reveal
 that
 Anthropic's
revenue
 has
 skyrocketed
 in
 the
 first
half
 of
 this
 year
 to
 more
 than
 [music]
$16
 billion,
 a
 14fold
 increase
 from
 a
year
 earlier.
 But
 the
 company's
 debt
[music]
 has
 surged
 as
 well.

Anthropic
 IPO
 expected
 [music]
 next
month
 could
 value
 the
 company
 at
 up
 to
$2
 trillion.

That
 would
 make
 the
 5-year-old
 [music]
startup
 one
 of
 the
 most
 valuable
companies
 in
 the
 world.

Today's
 episode
 was
 produced
 by
 [music]
Austa
 Chhaturved
 and
 Jack
 Didoro
 with
help
 from
 Alex
 Stern
 and
 Eric
 Krupky.
 It
was
 edited
 by
 Michael
 [music]
 Benois
with
 help
 from
 Chris
 Hel
 and
 Rob
 Zipco.
Contains
 music
 by
 Brad
 Fischer,
 Marian
Lozano,
 Alicia,
 [music]
 Dan
 Powell,
 and
Rowan
 Demisto.
 And
 was
 engineered
 by
Alyssa
 Moxley.
 Our
 theme
 [music]
 music
is
 by
 Wonderly.

[music]

That's
 it
 for
 the
 daily.
 I'm
 Michael
Aborro.

See
 you
 tomorrow.
</details>