--- author: TVO Today date: '2026-10-09' guest: '' layout: post.njk source: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qCBYmlvKtJo speaker: TVO Today tags: - civil-war - humanitarian-crisis - international-law - geopolitical-conflict - colonial-legacy title: 苏丹内战危机与人道浩劫：地缘博弈、国际法庭困境与加拿大视角 summary: 本期节目深入剖析自2023年爆发的苏丹内战及其人道主义灾难。专家Ian Speers解析了苏丹武装部队（SAF）与快速支援部队（RSF）冲突的历史根源、殖民边界遗毒、武器流向及外部势力干预；节目探讨了国际刑事法院（ICC）面临的管辖权与地缘政治合法性危机；并通过走访定居安大略省的苏丹难民家庭，展现了战火下流离失所平民的苦难与海外侨民的救助努力。 insight: '' draft: true series: '' category: geopolitics area: geopolitics project: [] people: [] companies_orgs: - International Criminal Court - Sudanese Armed Forces - Rapid Support Forces products_models: [] media_books: [] status: evergreen --- ### 苏丹内战与人道主义危机 **Jeyan Jeganathan**: 自2023年以来，**苏丹**陷入了一场残酷且致命的内战，**苏丹武装部队（SAF）**与准军事组织**快速支援部队（RSF）**为争夺国家控制权大打出手。目前，RSF被指控犯下了滔天暴行，尤其是在北达尔富尔州最为臭名昭著。根据**国际特赦组织（Amnesty International）**的报告，该组织在2024年至2025年期间，在**法希尔（Al-Fashir）**市及周边地区犯下了罄竹难书的战争罪行。法希尔有数千人惨遭杀害，更有成千上万人流离失所，面临着极度饥荒。与此同时，苏丹政府军自身也面临着严厉指控，其中最新的一项是指控其使用了化学武器。我们将带来这场不断演变危机的最新进展，探讨其对苏丹裔加拿大人的影响，并审视加拿大应该扮演怎样的角色。我是Jeyan Jeganathan，欢迎收看《The Rundown》。苏丹人民所遭受的苦难规模令人难以想象。**国际救援委员会（International Rescue Committee）**称，就急需人道主义援助的人数而言，这是当今全球最大的人道主义危机。那么，达成某种和平解决方案的希望究竟有多大？Ian Speers，非常高兴你能来到《The Rundown》节目。你今天状态如何？
Original English **Jeyan Jeganathan**: Since 2023, Sudan has been locked in a brutal and deadly civil war with the Sudanese Armed Forces fighting the Rapid Support Forces, a paramilitary group for control of the country. Now, the RSF has been accused of atrocities, most notoriously in North Darfur. According to Amnesty International, the group was responsible for a litany of war crimes in the city of Al-Fashir and surrounding areas in 2024 and 2025. Thousands were killed in Al-Fashir and thousands more ended up displaced and facing starvation. But the Sudanese army is facing its own allegations, including, most recently, of chemical weapons use. We get an update on the unfolding crisis and how it's impacting Sudanese Canadians, and look at what role Canada should be playing. I'm Jeyan Jeganathan, welcome to The Rundown. The scale of the suffering in Sudan can be hard to comprehend. The International Rescue Committee calls it the largest humanitarian crisis in the world in terms of number of people who need humanitarian aid. So what are the chances of some kind of peaceful resolution? Ian Speers, it's great to have you on The Rundown. How are you doing today?
**Ian Speers**: 我很好。很高兴来到这里，谢谢你的邀请。
Original English **Ian Speers**: I'm very well. It's good to be here. Thank you.
**Jeyan Jeganathan**: Ian，你多年来一直致力于研究非洲各地的冲突与内战，其中就包括苏丹。苏丹现在已经陷入了其历史上的第三次内战，而最新一轮内战自2023年4月爆发并肆虐至今。为什么这个国家总是反复陷入冲突的泥潭？
Original English **Jeyan Jeganathan**: Now, Ian, you spent years researching on conflict and civil war across Africa, including Sudan, a country that's now in its third civil war, the latest raging since April 2023. Why does this country keep falling back into conflict?
**Ian Speers**: 这是一个非常深刻的问题。我认为这是许多非洲国家共同面临的困境。他们都在承受殖民时期划定边界的历史遗毒。这些边界最初是由西方殖民列强人为划定的，而后各个独立建国的政权一直沿用至今。在某些情况下，这些国家的版图极其辽阔。苏丹就是一个幅员辽阔的庞大国家，内部具有极其巨大的多样性，拥有数百个不同的族群以及无数种语言。因此，倒不是说这种多样性必然会让一个国家走向冲突，但它确实使得凝聚国家共识、寻找所有人共同遵从的单一政治传统变得极其困难。
Original English **Ian Speers**: That's a very good question, and I would say it is a problem that lots of African countries face. They are dealing with—they have a legacy of colonial borders. That is those borders that were drawn by the colonial powers and that the independent states have maintained ever since. And in some cases, they are gigantic territories. So Sudan is a gigantic country, and it has just enormous diversity, literally hundreds of ethnic groups and many, many languages as well. So it's not that that necessarily predisposes a country to conflict, but it certainly makes developing a national consensus, finding a single political tradition very hard.
### 战争与饥荒的根源 **Jeyan Jeganathan**: 请帮我们理清一下脉络。这可能是一个有些难以启齿的沉重问题：究竟是什么在阻碍苏丹打破这种战争与饥荒互为因果的恶性循环？
Original English **Jeyan Jeganathan**: Help us understand. It feels like a bit of a hard question to ask, but what's preventing it from breaking the cycle of war and famine?
**Ian Speers**: 嗯，原因之一在于这个国家充斥着泛滥的武器。它持续不断地接收着武器输入，或者说各个交战方都在从不同的区域势力那里获取武器，而这些外部势力对苏丹的自然资源怀有巨大的利益诉求。我认为这对于整个地区而言都是普遍存在的现实。索马里也是如此，那曾是1990年代乃至1980年代的顽疾。最近在埃塞俄比亚等地也是类似的情况。这些都是该地区的国家。苏丹同样深陷其中，因此到处都有充足的军火在流通流转。 此外，苏丹自身蕴藏着巨大的财富，其中包括黄金和石油。苏丹现在获取石油的渠道减少了，因为在南部苏丹独立公投分裂出去时，带走了大部分石油储备——我不想在此过于偏离核心细节——但苏丹依然拥有极其丰富的黄金矿藏。事实上，交战方之一的准军事组织快速支援部队一直在走私出售大量黄金，从而换取雄厚资金购买大批先进武器。所以这是一个极其严峻的死结。在这样一个高度多元复杂的国家里，要就由谁来统治、由哪种政治传统占据主导地位或者让全民共同拥护达成统一共识，是极其艰难的。
Original English **Ian Speers**: Well. One thing is that the country is just infused with weapons. It's receiving weapons or the various belligerents are receiving weapons from different regional actors that have an interest in, say, the resources. I think that is true for the whole region. It's also true for Somalia. That was a problem in the 1990s and as well as actually in the 1980s. It's also true more recently in places like Ethiopia. These are all regional states. And as well in Sudan. And so there's lots of armaments to go around. And there's also—Sudan in particular has enormous wealth. Gold and oil, among them. Sudan has less access to oil now, because when it was—so I don't want to get too bogged down in the weeds here, but Sudan used to be an even larger country before the South seceded and took much of its oil with it. But there's still lots of gold. And in fact, one of the belligerents, the militia called the Rapid Support Forces, has been selling lots of gold and been able to purchase lots of weapons. So that is an enormous problem. Finding a single consensus on who's going to rule, what political tradition is to dominate, or that is going to be the one that people adhere to—it's very difficult to do in a very diverse country.
**Jeyan Jeganathan**: 请帮助我们梳理交战双方的背景。你刚才提到了其中一方，即准军事力量快速支援部队；另一方则是苏丹武装部队。你能简要讲讲双方各自到底在为什么而战吗？
Original English **Jeyan Jeganathan**: Help us understand sort of what the two sides are. You mentioned one, the Rapid Support Forces, that's the paramilitary group. And then there's the Sudanese Armed Forces. Can you briefly tell us what each side is fighting for?
**Ian Speers**: 坦率地说，我认为他们争夺的本质上是同一件事。苏丹武装部队（SAF）是国家的正规军队，目前由**阿卜杜勒·法塔赫·布尔汉（General Burhan）**将军统领。我不敢肯定他本人是否一定渴望当国家总统，但他无疑是在为确保军队的绝对统治权力而战。实际上，这场战争的两个交战方曾经是亲密盟友。他们过去都曾是国家政权的核心成员。几年前，他们联手脱离了原有的联合政府体制，随后内部便反目成仇。 事实上，这也是为了回答你前面的提问：另一个根本问题在于该国派系林立。这不过是两个曾经结盟而后分道扬镳的势力的最新例证。其中一方快速支援部队最初其实是一支民兵组织，其成立的初衷是为了以暴力手段镇压2000年代初（大约始于2003年）爆发的达尔富尔叛乱。从那时起，布尔汉与另一位军阀**穆罕默德·哈姆丹·达加洛（Hemetti，达加洛）**便成为了统领这两大武装阵营的核心交战主角。而且双方的武装力量都极其充沛：一方是因为其拥有正规军的军备底子，另一方则据传一直从**阿拉伯联合酋长国（UAE）**源源不断地获取先进武器支援。
Original English **Ian Speers**: Well, I'd say they're fighting for the same thing. So the SAF, the Sudanese Armed Forces, they are the army and they are run by or led by General Burhan, and I'm not sure that he wants to be president, but he is certainly fighting for dominance. Actually, the two belligerents in this war used to be allied. They both used to be in the government. They defected from the government a few years ago and then did not get along. In fact, to answer your earlier question, to go back to your earlier question, that's another problem is that there are so many factions and this is just the most recent example of two people that were allied and then split apart. One was actually a militia group that was created to deal or to suppress violently rebellion in Darfur that began in the early 2000s, 2003 is sometimes the date. And Burhan and this other fellow, Hemetti, they are the ones that are the principal belligerents leading these two different armed factions, and they both are very well armed. One, because it's the army and the other because it's been getting allegedly weapons from the United Arab Emirates.
### 战场博弈与化学武器指控 **Jeyan Jeganathan**: 国际社会曾多次尝试促成停火，并试图化解由此引发的严重人道主义危机。然而，除了赤裸裸地争夺权力之外，双方似乎都不愿意终止战斗。请帮我分析一下，这反映了两个阵营在战略优先级上的哪些考量？
Original English **Jeyan Jeganathan**: There have been several attempts to secure ceasefires and address the humanitarian crisis it has caused. Yet neither side seems willing to end the fighting outside of power. Help me understand here. What does this reveal about the priorities between the two groups?
**Ian Speers**: 这里的关键症结之一在于战场局势一直处于高度流动和拉锯的状态中。正如大家所见，双方在不同阶段都曾看似占据胜势。就在最近，苏丹政府军SAF似乎重新掌握了一定的战场主动权与推进势头。但我们此前已经多次经历过这种循环：当一方看似胜利在望时，另一方很快便卷土重来。我怀疑这很大程度上是因为其背后的外部势力绝不希望看到自己支持的一方输掉这场战争，因此随时愿意向他们输送更多军火。 如果我补充一点的话，SAF近期看似处于优势的原因之一，在于他们似乎成功促成了RSF内部若干高级指挥官的叛变倒戈。这些快速支援部队的高级将领转而投向了政府军阵营。我不知道这种势头能否持续下去。眼下看起来SAF确实收复了越来越多的失地，但正如我所言，局势瞬息万变，外部赞助大国完全有可能再次为RSF注入活力让其重整旗鼓。所以未来走向仍有待观察。
Original English **Ian Speers**: I mean, one of the issues is that the conflict has been very fluid. As you may know, both groups have been in a position to win, most recently the armed forces, the SAF, look like they have a certain momentum. But we've been through this before and the two factions seem to be about to win, and then the other side comes back, and I suspect that's in part because outside powers don't want to have their side lose the war. And so they're willing to provide them with additional weaponry. If I can just say one of the issues, one of the maybe reasons or explanations why the SAF appears to be winning is that it seems to have been able to bring about or facilitate the defection of some senior leaders on the part of the RSF. Thus the Rapid Support Forces, and they are now coming to the side of the government. I don't know if that's going to continue. It really does seem like the SAF has got more and more territory, but as I say, it is a fluid situation and outside powers may be able to reinvigorate the RSF again. So we'll see.
**Jeyan Jeganathan**: 我们稍后会进一步讨论这些外部势力的介入，但我现在想重点谈谈针对苏丹武装部队在2024年提出的一些指控。**《华盛顿邮报》（The Washington Post）**和**《纽约时报》（The New York Times）**获得的最新文件披露了更多证据，表明苏丹武装部队涉嫌使用了化学武器，尤其是氯气弹。这些指控的严重程度有多大？
Original English **Jeyan Jeganathan**: We'll talk a little bit about those outside powers, but I do want to talk about the Sudanese armed forces and some allegations that were made in 2024. New documents obtained by The Washington Post and New York Times revealed more evidence of chemical weapons, particularly chlorine bombs, were allegedly used by the Sudanese armed forces. How significant are these allegations?
**Ian Speers**: 事实已经相当清楚，这种情况确实发生过。不过我推测，其使用规模可能并不是极其广泛。关于氯气的一个难点在于它在事后其实很难被检测到，它极易挥发消散。而且氯气并非受严格管制的物质，获取门槛相对较低。要知道，氯气本身常被用于自来水消毒净化。因此听到它被使用我并不感到意外。当时SAF很可能是因为战局陷入绝境而铤而走险。 据我的理解，SAF并不希望背负这种严重的指控，尽管这份秘密档案已经被彻底公之于众。但我个人的看法是，他们很可能会放弃继续使用化学武器。对于这份档案为何偏偏在此刻被公开发布，外界也存在诸多猜测。我认为很关键的一点在于，特别是如果SAF确实已经停止使用的话，这份档案被公之于众的主要目的其实是为了在政治和声誉上重创SAF。鉴于快速支援部队RSF眼下节节败退处于守势，这很可能是一种舆论反制手段。我不认为这会演变成一个长期的主要战场手段，至少我希望不会，因为使用化学武器在任何战争中都绝对是一场极其可怕的灾难。
Original English **Ian Speers**: Well, it's pretty clear that that has been the case. I suspect, actually, that the use has not been extensive. One of the problems with chlorine is that it's actually pretty hard to detect. It tends to evaporate. It is not a controlled substance. So it is something that is accessible. You know, chlorine is what's used for making water drinkable. So it doesn't surprise me that it has been used. And it was probably used because the SAF was pretty desperate. My understanding is that they have not been wanting to have this accusation lying around, although there's been this dossier that's been revealed. But my view is that they're probably going to abandon it. There's also sort of suspicion about why this dossier was revealed now. I think as much as anything, especially if it's true that the SAF are not using them anymore, I think the dossier was really made public in order to embarrass the SAF. It may have been done so because the RSF, the Rapid Support Forces, are on their heels. I don't think it's going to be a major issue, or at least I hope it's not, because it really would be a terrible experience in war, for sure.
### 加拿大的角色与和平的前景 **Jeyan Jeganathan**: 我想把加拿大在其中的关联引入对话。**加拿大广播公司（CBC）**视觉调查组去年的一项调查发现，RSF武装人员一直在使用加拿大军火制造商生产的武器装备。然而，加拿大自2004年起就对苏丹实施了严格的武器禁运。那家涉案枪支在苏丹被查获的加拿大公司向CBC表示，他们完全遵守了武器禁运规定。然而有指控表明，这些军火可能是通过阿联酋辗转流入苏丹的。请帮助我们理解，加拿大是否可以通过其与阿联酋等国际伙伴的关系采取某些行动，而这些是目前加拿大尚未付诸实施的？
Original English **Jeyan Jeganathan**: I want to bring Canada into the conversation. There was an investigation by CBC's Visual Investigations Unit that found last year that RSF fighters had been using weapons made by Canadian arms manufacturers. Now Canada has an arms embargo in Sudan since 2004. The company, whose guns were allegedly found in Sudan, told the CBC that they were in full compliance of that embargo. Yet there are allegations that those weapons may have made their way through Sudan via United Arab Emirates. Help me understand, is there something Canada could or should be doing through its international partners like the UAE that it isn't doing now?
**Ian Speers**: 武器一旦离开加拿大国境，追踪其最终流向往往是一件极其棘手的事情。当然，确保这些武器不被用于我们绝不希望看到的用途，这绝对是加拿大应尽的责任。因此无论向哪个国家出口武器，你都必须建立铁律协议，确保进口方就是武器的最终归宿。然而军火走私和漏洞在现实中屡见不鲜，往往极难监控。如果你真的想杜绝此类事件的发生，唯一的办法就是在武器出口许可的源头上保持极度谨慎与严苛。
Original English **Ian Speers**: Well, what happens to weapons once they leave Canada can be—it can be a difficult thing to follow. Of course, it is up to Canada to make sure that those weapons are not used in ways that we wouldn't want to have used. And so wherever you're selling them, you just have to make sure that you have an agreement that that's the end point. But sometimes there is leakage, and it can be difficult to control. I mean, if you really don't want to have it happen, then you just have to be very careful about where you're selling weapons.
**Jeyan Jeganathan**: Ian，鉴于目前的严峻现状以及我们所目睹的苏丹历史轨迹，苏丹一条现实可行的和平之路到底会是什么样子？
Original English **Jeyan Jeganathan**: Ian, given where things stand today and given the history of what we have seen in Sudan, what would a realistic path to peace in Sudan look like?
**Ian Speers**: 令人遗憾的是，我对这些前景并不十分乐观。我认为目前确实存在一种可能性，即苏丹武装部队SAF最终赢得军事胜利。我的学者同行**亚历克斯·德瓦尔（Alex de Waal）**曾指出，在这些苏丹武装势力之间，历史上从未发生过任何一方彻底取得全面胜利或彻底被歼灭的先例。因此，即使有胜利，恐怕也始终只是一种大打折扣的有条件的胜利。但确实存在这种可能：SAF取得绝对压倒性优势，并成功争取到足够多的敌方派系叛变投诚，从而迫使RSF最终缴械投降。如果能实现这一点，那固然是好事。 但正如我刚才所说，这种历史重演我们已经见识过太多次了。苏丹此前曾短暂建立过文职过渡政府，但军方领导人对自己未来在下一届政府中的权力分配感到不满，直接颠覆了进程。从更宏观的视角来看，苏丹是一个面积极其广袤、社会结构极其错综复杂的国家。即便战争以某一方的胜利告终，即便SAF最终掌控全局，他们本质上也是一个由多个异质化群体拼凑而成的利益联盟，那些协助SAF取胜的各路势力必然会要求得到丰厚的回报与权力瓜分。因此，即便军事上的胜利得以实现，苏丹的前途依然难言乐观。我认为苏丹在未来数年乃至数十年内，仍将长期深陷引发持续动荡的内部困境之中。
Original English **Ian Speers**: Well, unfortunately, I'm one who's not very optimistic about these things. I think that there is a possibility at this point that the SAF, the Sudanese Armed Forces, could win. My colleague Alex de Waal has said that there's never been an outright victory or defeat for these belligerents. So I think it will always be sort of a qualified victory, if I can put it that way. But it is possible that the SAF becomes so dominant and is able to bring about enough defections that the RSF eventually capitulates. So that would be good. But as I said before, we've been here before, and there was a civilian government, briefly a transitional government in place. It's just that the military leaders weren't happy with what was going to be their situation in the next government. But more broadly, Sudan is just a gigantic, extraordinarily complex country. And at the end of this, even if one side does win, if the SAF does prevail, they are in many ways a coalition, and they're made up of a number of different groups, and they are going to want to be repaid for helping the SAF win. So even after a victory has been achieved, if that's what happens, it is not a promising future for Sudan. And I think Sudan is always going to be faced with internal difficulties that sustain instability for years to come.
**Jeyan Jeganathan**: Ian，这件事情我们将持续追踪报道。非常感谢你抽出宝贵时间为我们提供深入洞见。谢谢你。
Original English **Jeyan Jeganathan**: Ian, this is a story that we will continue to follow. I really appreciate your time and your insights on this one. Thank you so much.
**Ian Speers**: 感谢你的邀请，不客气。
Original English **Ian Speers**: Thank you for having me. You're welcome.
### 国际刑事法院的制度危机 **Jeyan Jeganathan**: **国际刑事法院（ICC）**已公开表示正在对该地区涉嫌的战争罪行展开调查。但他们实际究竟能发挥什么作用？TVO Today的专题栏目《Unravelled》为您梳理国际刑事法院的历史演进、设立宗旨以及它为何成为政治攻击的焦点。
Original English **Jeyan Jeganathan**: The International Criminal Court has said it's investigating possible war crimes in the region. But what can they actually do? TVO Today's Unravelled breaks down the history and purpose of the court and why it's become a political target.
**TVO 记者**: 随着一系列激烈争议的发酵，国际刑事法院正面临严峻的合法性危机。多个成员国正在退出该法院，其首席检察官遭到停职，同时法院还面临着来自**特朗普政府**的猛烈政治打击。
Original English **TVO Reporter**: The International Criminal Court is facing a legitimacy crisis following a slew of controversies. Countries are withdrawing from the court. Its chief prosecutor has been suspended and it's facing an attack from the Trump administration.
**特朗普政府发言人**: 本届政府绝不会坐视国际刑事法院及其同盟企图威胁我们的人民。如果他们妄图剥夺我们的国家主权，我们将让他们彻底领教美国决心的全部力量。
Original English **Trump Administration Spokesperson**: This administration will not sit by as the ICC and its allies seek to threaten our people if they believe they can deprive us of our sovereignty. We will teach them the full meaning of American resolve.
**TVO 记者**: 那么，这个法庭究竟为何而设立？又为何会面临合法性质疑？国际刑事法院于2002年根据一项名为**《罗马规约》（Rome Statute）**的国际条约正式成立。截至2026年，全球约有120个国家为该法院成员国，其中包含加拿大。设立该法院的构想源于第二次世界大战期间纳粹大屠杀等暴行，并在1990年代发生波斯尼亚和卢旺达种族灭绝惨剧后正式定型。在种族大屠杀发生后，联合国设立了特设法庭，用以起诉在这些地区犯下滔天罪行的责任人并为受害者伸张正义。 然而，特设法庭虽然促成了部分定罪，批评者却指出其运作不仅极其缓慢而且耗资巨大。因此，各国决定需要设立一个常设的中央法庭，专门对被指控犯有最严重国际罪行的人追究刑责，而不是头痛医头、逐案设立临时法庭。正因如此，《罗马规约》创立了国际刑事法院，赋予其起诉被控犯有以下四类罪行之一或组合的个人的管辖权：种族灭绝罪、危害人类罪、战争罪，以及自2010年起正式生效的侵略罪。 这里经常是公众容易产生混淆的地方：国际刑事法院是一个完全独立的机构，它并不是联合国的一部分，尽管它经常与联合国展开密切合作。它与同样设在海牙的**国际法院（ICJ）**也完全不同——国际法院是联合国的正式组成机构，职能是裁决主权国家之间的法律争端。因此需要再次明确，国际刑事法院的职责是审判个人刑事责任，无论被告是政治领袖、国家元首、军人还是平民。但它将司法追责重点严格聚焦于“对所指控罪行负有最大责任者”。
Original English **TVO Reporter**: So why does this court exist at all, and why is it facing questions about its legitimacy? The ICC was established in 2002 through a treaty called the Rome Statute. As of 2026, around 120 countries are members of the court, including Canada. The idea for the court emerged out of the atrocities of World War Two and solidified after the Bosnian and Rwandan genocides in the 1990s. In the aftermath of the genocide, the UN had set up tribunals to prosecute people responsible for crimes committed in those regions and to bring justice to the victims. While the tribunals resulted in some convictions, critics said they were both slow and expensive. So countries decided a centralised court was needed to hold people accused of the worst international crimes responsible. Instead of creating new tribunals on a case by case basis, and so the Rome Statute created the ICC and gave it the power to prosecute people accused of any one or a combination of four crimes: genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and as of 2010, the crime of aggression. Here's where people often get things muddled. The ICC is an independent body that's not part of the United Nations, though it does regularly cooperate with it. It's also completely separate from the International Court of Justice, or the ICJ, which is a part of the UN and settles disputes between countries. So again, the ICC's job is to try individuals, whether they're political leaders, heads of state, soldiers, or even civilians. But it focuses its efforts on, quote, those most responsible for the crimes it prosecutes.
### 地缘政治围剿与执法局限 **TVO 记者**: 然而，国际刑事法院绝非在任何地方都对任何人享有理所当然的强制司法权。它被设计为一个“补充管辖法院”（法庭作为最后手段），唯有在当事国国内司法体系无法或不愿意自行起诉罪犯时方能介入。而且其行使管辖权有着严格的限定条件：只有当你属于成员国公民或居民、在成员国领土范围内犯罪，或者由联合国安理会将特定案件正式移交审理时，ICC才具备管辖权。 加入该法院的缔约国有义务根据《罗马规约》全面配合其调查与起诉工作，这包括必须执行ICC签发的逮捕令。近期，菲律宾前总统**罗德里戈·杜特尔特（Rodrigo Duterte）**因在该国涉嫌犯下危害人类罪，在马尼拉依据ICC逮捕令被捕，案件庭审定于2026年11月举行。 在抓捕嫌疑人等具体执法环节上，国际刑事法院别无选择，只能完全依赖各成员国的司法与警察部门配合，因为法院自身没有任何独立的强制执行武装力量。它没有自己的警察部队。而且，尽管许多国家都是该法院的成员国，但包括俄罗斯、中国和美国在内的数个全球大国均非成员国。 这也将我们带回到了法院面临的重重争议之中。在内部机制上，法院陷入了一场轰动的调查风波，导致其首席检察官**卡里姆·汗（Karim Khan）**因涉嫌性骚扰指控而遭到停职，尽管他本人坚决否认了这些指控。在外部层面，针对该法院长期存在着强烈批评，主要指责其案件选择不成比例地集中针对“全球南方”国家，尤其是非洲国家。截至2026年，许多国家以这种司法不公为由宣布将退出该法院。 近期，法院通过向具有重大全球影响力的政治领导人签发逮捕令，释放出试图突破“全球南方”局限的信号，这些对象包括俄罗斯总统**弗拉基米尔·普京（Vladimir Putin）**以及以色列总理**本雅明·内塔尼亚胡（Benjamin Netanyahu）**。然而，这两人至今均未被真正缉捕归案。实际上，对内塔尼亚胡签署的逮捕令直接激怒了特朗普政府，促使其对国际刑事法院及其部分高级官员实施了严厉制裁。随后，特朗普政府发起了一场旨在彻底瓦解ICC的政治运动，声称该法院严重践踏并威胁了美国的主权。
Original English **TVO Reporter**: But the ICC doesn't have guaranteed authority everywhere over everyone. It's meant to be a court of last resort, where national courts cannot or will not prosecute criminals themselves, and it only has jurisdiction in certain conditions. Those conditions are if you are a citizen or resident of a member country, if you commit a crime in the territory of a member country, or if the UN Security Council refers a case to the ICC. Countries that are members of the court are obligated by the Rome Statute to cooperate with its investigations and prosecutions. This includes carrying out arrest warrants that the ICC issues. Recently, former president of the Philippines Rodrigo Duterte was arrested in Manila on an ICC warrant for crimes against humanity committed in the country, with a trial date of November 2026. The ICC has no choice but to rely on member countries for things like arrests, because it doesn't have an enforcement mechanism of its own. There's no police force, and while many countries are members of the court, several including Russia, China, and the US are not. Which brings us back to the controversies. Internally, the court was embroiled in an investigation that led to the removal of its chief prosecutor, Karim Khan, over allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denies. Externally, there are long-standing criticisms against the court, namely that it disproportionately targets the Global South, specifically Africa. As of 2026, a number of countries said that they would withdraw from the court, citing this disproportionality. Recently, the court signalled that it was looking beyond the Global South with the warrants for the arrests of powerful political leaders such as Russia's Vladimir Putin and Israel's Benjamin Netanyahu. But neither of these men have been arrested. In fact, the warrant for Netanyahu's arrest prompted the Trump administration to issue sanctions against the court and some of its staff. The Trump administration then launched a campaign to completely dismantle the ICC, claiming that it threatens American sovereignty.
**特朗普政府发言人**: 此时此刻，国际刑事法院及其同盟正在向我们的国家发动一场战争——他们不是用子弹或导弹，而是通过条约、公约以及所谓的“国际法”强制力来进行攻击。
Original English **Trump Administration Spokesperson**: As we speak, the ICC and its friends are waging a war against our country, not with bullets or missiles, but with statutes and compacts and the force of so-called international law.
**TVO 记者**: 美国对该法院实施的制裁包括将数名国际刑事法院法官列入“特别指定国民清单”（SDN清单），这一名单通常只用于制裁恐怖分子和跨国毒贩。被列入制裁名单的法官中包括加拿大籍法官**金伯利·普罗斯特（Kimberly Prost）**，她曾参与对美军在阿富汗（ICC成员国）所涉罪行的调查。面对来自美国的猛烈政治抨击，加拿大政府重申了对国际刑事法院及其法治使命的坚定支持。
Original English **TVO Reporter**: The American sanctions on the court have included putting several ICC judges on the Specially Designated Nationals list, a list typically reserved for terrorists and narcotics traffickers. Among those judges is Canadian Kimberly Prost, who worked on an investigation into actions of American troops in Afghanistan, a member country of the ICC. In the face of the American attack, Canada has reaffirmed its support of the court and its work.
**加拿大官员**: 加拿大是国际刑事法院骄傲的缔约国成员。我们对国际刑事法院的支持是毫不动摇、坚定不移的。
Original English **Canadian Official**: It is a proud member of the International Criminal Court. Our support for the ICC is unequivocal.
### 苏丹侨民的餐桌与故土记忆 **Jeyan Jeganathan**: 玛蒙·哈桑（Mamoun Hassan）与瓦拉·哈萨宁（Walaa Hassanein）对于苏丹平民面临的苦难有着切身体会。他们出生于苏丹，以难民身份来到加拿大。近期，他们跟随人道主义救援代表团重返苏丹，亲眼目睹了当地满目疮痍的惨剧。我最近有幸受邀前往他们在安大略省奥沙瓦（Oshawa）的家中，与他们共进晚餐。安大略省的奥沙瓦居住着一个虽小但正在不断壮大的苏丹移民群体。
Original English **Jeyan Jeganathan**: Mamoun Hassan and Walaa Hassanein know firsthand some of the challenges facing Sudanese civilians. Born in Sudan, they came to Canada as refugees and recently travelled back to the country with a humanitarian mission and saw the suffering on the ground. I recently got a chance to share a meal with them at their Oshawa home. Oshawa, Ontario is home to a small but growing diaspora of Sudanese immigrants.
**Mamoun Hassan**: 这是黑胡椒和盐。
Original English **Mamoun Hassan**: Black pepper and salt.
**Jeyan Jeganathan**: 比如Mamoun Hassan和Walaa Hassanein夫妇。
Original English **Jeyan Jeganathan**: Like Mamoun Hassan and Walaa Hassanein.
**Walaa Hassanein**: 你好。
Original English **Walaa Hassanein**: Hello.
**Jeyan Jeganathan**: 你好吗？很高兴见到你们。
Original English **Jeyan Jeganathan**: How are you? Nice to meet you.
**Mamoun Hassan**: 我今天非常荣幸受邀品尝地道的苏丹传统家常菜。
Original English **Mamoun Hassan**: I'm lucky to be invited today to share in a traditional meal.
**Jeyan Jeganathan**: 也很高兴见到你们。闻起来太香了。
Original English **Jeyan Jeganathan**: Nice to meet you as well. It smells delicious.
**Jeyan Jeganathan**: 并借此机会倾听他们对苏丹当下局势的真实看法。
Original English **Jeyan Jeganathan**: And to get their views on events unfolding back in Sudan.
**Mamoun Hassan**: 哇，太棒了。
Original English **Mamoun Hassan**: Oh, wow.
**Walaa Hassanein**: 首先是两颗洋葱，核心食材包括酸奶、碎牛肉、花生酱以及苏丹风味香料。不过这只是第一步。
Original English **Walaa Hassanein**: First, it's two onions and the main ingredients in it yoghurt, ground beef, peanut butter and the Sudanese spices. But this is the first step.
**Jeyan Jeganathan**: 你刚才提到花生酱在苏丹菜肴中很常用？
Original English **Jeyan Jeganathan**: You mentioned peanut butter used commonly in Sudanese food.
**Walaa Hassanein**: 非常常用，放得特别多。做沙拉时都会放花生酱，这让很多人大感意外，因为我们习惯用花生酱做咸鲜风味的菜肴而不是甜食。好的，我们的炖菜也是如此。
Original English **Walaa Hassanein**: A lot, a lot. They use it in salads, which is a surprise for a lot of people because we make it with more savoury food than sweet. Okay. And our stews.
**Mamoun Hassan**: 请坐这边。
Original English **Mamoun Hassan**: So you can have a seat.
**Jeyan Jeganathan**: 好的，那我就坐这儿吧。
Original English **Jeyan Jeganathan**: Well, I guess I'll sit over here. Yeah.
**Mamoun Hassan**: 在我们文化里，当你坐在厨房里看着大家做饭时，这种亲近感意味着一种即刻的殊荣，代表你已经成为我们家庭的一份子了，对吧？
Original English **Mamoun Hassan**: When you sit, like in the kitchen while people cooking, you're kind of—it's an immediate, like honour that you're now a part of the family. Right?
**Walaa Hassanein**: 因为我们来加拿大时年纪都很小，所以我们在生活习惯上更像加拿大人，但我们用心学会了做这些传统菜肴，因为我们实在太爱故乡的味道了。
Original English **Walaa Hassanein**: As we came really young. Right. So we're more Canadian, but we learned these dishes because we love them so much.
**Jeyan Jeganathan**: 虽然宁静的加拿大郊区与战火相隔万里，但对于像他们这样的家庭来说，故土苏丹从未离开过他们的心头。
Original English **Jeyan Jeganathan**: Although the Canadian suburbs feel like a world away, Sudan is never far from the minds of families like theirs.
**Walaa Hassanein**: 这道是茄子沙拉，是将茄子与少许花生酱混合调制而成的。这是番茄芫荽炖牛肉。这道是碎牛肉配秋葵炖土豆，还有这道牛肉谢拉（Beef Shayla）。
Original English **Walaa Hassanein**: So this is the eggplant salad. It's a mix of eggplant with also a little bit of peanut butter. Beef stew, just tomatoes and coriander. And this is ground beef, okra, which is potatoes and ground beef. And this is beef Shayla.
**Jeyan Jeganathan**: 还有特制辣酱。
Original English **Jeyan Jeganathan**: And the hot sauce.
**Walaa Hassanein**: 是的，这辣酱是妈妈亲手做的。
Original English **Walaa Hassanein**: Oh yeah. And the hot sauce is—
**Mamoun Hassan**: 是妈妈亲手做的。
Original English **Mamoun Hassan**: Made by mama.
**Walaa Hassanein**: 没错，辣酱里同样加入了花生酱和特制辣椒。
Original English **Walaa Hassanein**: Yes. Hot sauce also made with peanut butter and chilli.
**Jeyan Jeganathan**: 苏丹菜在传统上是很辣的吗，还是偏温和？
Original English **Jeyan Jeganathan**: Sudanese food, traditionally spicy or no?
**Walaa Hassanein**: 辣酱通常都是分开放置在旁边，永远都是单独盛放的。
Original English **Walaa Hassanein**: The hot sauce is always on the side. Always on, always on the side.
**Mamoun Hassan**: 是的。
Original English **Mamoun Hassan**: Yeah.
**Walaa Hassanein**: 这是**基斯拉饼（Kisra）**，我们通常用它蘸着肉汤和炖菜一起吃。
Original English **Walaa Hassanein**: So this is kisra is what we usually eat the stews with.
**Mamoun Hassan**: 我们都是直接用手抓着吃。
Original English **Mamoun Hassan**: And we use our hands.
**Walaa Hassanein**: 是的，正如俗话所说，用手抓着吃食物会美味得多。
Original English **Walaa Hassanein**: Yes. As they say, food—
**Mamoun Hassan**: 用手抓着吃味道好得多，真的。
Original English **Mamoun Hassan**: Tastes so much better when you eat with your hands.
**Jeyan Jeganathan**: 没错。
Original English **Jeyan Jeganathan**: That's right. Your hands.
**Walaa Hassanein**: 其实刚来加拿大那会儿，我们曾经历过一个疯狂迷恋汉堡等典型加拿大快餐的阶段。
Original English **Walaa Hassanein**: Actually, when we came, we got into a phase of like, burgers and very Canadian-ized food. It was like a phase.
**Mamoun Hassan**: 还有披萨。
Original English **Mamoun Hassan**: And pizza.
**Walaa Hassanein**: 当时觉得特别兴奋。但后来我们常常会无比思念家乡菜。现在每当做起这些传统食物，在家里就宛如迎来了一场隆重的节日庆典。
Original English **Walaa Hassanein**: We were so excited about it. Yeah. We missed it at times. And when it's made, it becomes almost like an event.
### 流亡经历与前线人道救援 **Jeyan Jeganathan**: 你们初来加拿大时年纪都很小，当时具体是多大呢？
Original English **Jeyan Jeganathan**: You were young, both of you, when you first came. How old were you guys?
**Walaa Hassanein**: 我当时11岁。
Original English **Walaa Hassanein**: I was 11.
**Mamoun Hassan**: 我踏上这片土地时14岁。
Original English **Mamoun Hassan**: And I landed, I was 14.
**Jeyan Jeganathan**: 当初是什么原因让你们一家不得不离开苏丹？
Original English **Jeyan Jeganathan**: What was the reason you guys left?
**Walaa Hassanein**: 我们是以难民身份来到加拿大的，我们全家都是。当时苏丹的政治环境极其险恶肮脏。我的父亲根本找不到工作，无法维持生计。他当时在苏丹积极参与政治活动，因此被工作单位解雇，甚至在苏丹被投进监狱关押。我们在苏丹生活的最后两年过得极端艰难，直到父亲想方设法设法逃出边境，最终来到了加拿大。 但我之所以这么说，是因为我们现在接触并援助的新难民，他们是在逃离真正血腥的战火浩劫。那种逃亡的残酷画面是完全不同的。所以当我如今说自己是以难民身份来的时候，心里甚至会有一种异样的不真实感，因为我们当年的遭遇与他们眼下经历的灾难相比显得完全不同。
Original English **Walaa Hassanein**: We came as refugees, right? Both of us. At the time in Sudan, the politics were really, really dirty. So my father couldn't get work. He wasn't able. And he was politically quite active in Sudan. He was fired from his job. He got jailed in Sudan. So the last two years of our life in Sudan was really, really difficult until he was just able to kind of sneak out of the country and come to Canada. But I say that because right now when we see refugees—because right now we're working with refugees and so on, and they're actually fleeing real war. Right? So there's just a difference of the way that it looks. I feel funny when I say we came as refugees. It doesn't seem as—in terms of what you're seeing.
**Jeyan Jeganathan**: 你们前不久刚亲自去了一趟苏丹。能跟我聊聊你们在那边具体开展的援助工作吗？
Original English **Jeyan Jeganathan**: As you guys were in Sudan not that long ago. Tell me a little bit about sort of the work that you guys are doing.
**Walaa Hassanein**: 我在六月份与Mamoun一起通过一个名为**SAPA（苏丹美籍医师协会）**的组织参与了这次人道任务。我们深入走访了一个叫La La地方的境内流离失所者营地，走进了大约十个救灾帐篷，实地查看那里的生存现状。
Original English **Walaa Hassanein**: I went on this mission with Mamoun through SAPA, an organization. In June. We went to see the IDP camps in a place called La La, and we got to visit about ten tents to see what's happening there.
**Jeyan Jeganathan**: Mamoun和Walaa与苏丹美籍医师协会展开合作，开展了一系列深入一线的人道主义救援之行。
Original English **Jeyan Jeganathan**: Mamoun and Walaa have partnered with the Sudanese American Physicians Association on a series of humanitarian trips.
**Mamoun Hassan**: 那里都是**IDP（境内流离失所者）**营地，收容着大量从法希尔战火中拼死逃出来的难民。我们当时在恩图曼（Omdurman）设立的社区厨房，那里每天为难民提供一顿饭。看到他们，赞美真主，所有救济服务全部由他们自发协同运转：他们自己下厨做饭，给孩子们分发食物，主动洗碗，承担了一切劳务。
Original English **Mamoun Hassan**: IDP camps, which are internally displaced people camps there, and people who are fleeing the war in El Fasher. We're here in what is kitchen in Omdurman, where they serve a meal a day and they come. Mashallah! Everything is serviced through them. They cook the food, the kids are poured, they wash the dishes, they do everything.
**Walaa Hassanein**: 请记住，这些提供志愿服务的人本身就是遭受战火直接摧残的受害者。他们并非来自安全的偏远大后方，他们刚刚从火线中死里逃生。这是他们互相扶持、回馈同胞的方式。
Original English **Walaa Hassanein**: Mind you, these are people who are actually also impacted by the war itself. It's not like there are people who have come away from far away places, but they've come from the war itself. And this is their way of actually giving back.
**Mamoun Hassan**: 我们在现场听到了太多惨绝人寰的遭遇，他们经历了常人难以承受的酷刑与磨难。许多人在逃往这些流离失所者营地的逃亡路上失去了至亲骨肉。沿途充斥着令人发指的性暴力，经历了无数残酷至极的事情。这就是易卜拉欣·马利克医院（Ibrahim Malek Hospital），喀土穆最大的综合性医院之一，同样在这场战火中被彻底摧毁。你可以亲眼看到它完全化为一片废墟。
Original English **Mamoun Hassan**: We heard a lot of difficult stories, like some very, very tough things that they went through. Yeah, a lot of them lost their family members, like on the way to come to these IDP camps. There was a lot of sexual violence, a lot of very tough things. This is Ibrahim Malek, one of the biggest hospitals in Khartoum that was also destroyed in this war. So you could see it completely in ruins. Yeah.
**Walaa Hassanein**: 这家医院正是我婴儿时期看病的地方，我小时候对它有着真切的记忆。我当年就像个调皮的孩子在这进进出出。
Original English **Walaa Hassanein**: So this is an actual hospital that I attended when I was a baby. So I do remember it when I was younger. Yeah. I was a child rebel.
**Mamoun Hassan**: 现在已经荡然无存了。
Original English **Mamoun Hassan**: There's nothing left.
**Jeyan Jeganathan**: 现场拍摄的视频画面毫无保留地揭示了这场危机的惨烈现实，记录了他们走访极度拥挤的流离失所者营地，以及被炸成废墟的残破医院。
Original English **Jeyan Jeganathan**: The clips offer an unflinching look at the crisis, capturing their visits to overcrowded displacement camps and the ruins of a bombed out hospital.
**Mamoun Hassan**: 甚至有死去的婴儿被草草埋葬。
Original English **Mamoun Hassan**: A baby was buried.
**Walaa Hassanein**: 我们还有极其繁重的工作要做，而这一切必须从唤醒公众认知开始：了解正在发生的一切，并将其传播给更多人。
Original English **Walaa Hassanein**: So we do have a lot of work to do, and it starts with just raising awareness, learning what's happening, sharing it with others.
### 军阀暴行与加拿大的责任 **Jeyan Jeganathan**: 冲突的核心主要涉及两大集团，即苏丹武装部队与准军事武装组织。
Original English **Jeyan Jeganathan**: There are two main sort of groups. I guess there's the Sudanese Armed Forces, and then there's a paramilitary group as well.
**Mamoun Hassan**: 快速支援部队RSF。
Original English **Mamoun Hassan**: The RSF.
**Jeyan Jeganathan**: 是的，RSF。
Original English **Jeyan Jeganathan**: Yes, the RSF.
**Mamoun Hassan**: 外界往往有一种错觉，仿佛所有人都在坚定支持苏丹政府军。但我认为事实绝非如此。普通民众只是单纯觉得在两颗毒瘤之中，政府军是相对安全或者“两害相权取其轻”的选择。
Original English **Mamoun Hassan**: There is this sense of everybody is behind the Sudanese Armed Forces. And I don't think that's the case. I think they just think that's the safest one of the two.
**Jeyan Jeganathan**: 两害相权取其轻。
Original English **Jeyan Jeganathan**: The lesser of two.
**Mamoun Hassan**: 没错。所有人表面上都会说“我们支持政府军”，但我们深知军队本身在历史上也犯下过无数极其疯狂的罪行。在此之前，我和Walaa今天之所以会沦为难民生活在加拿大，正是苏丹军政府长期残酷统治以及迫使无数国民背井离乡的直接副产物。如果在苏丹境内公开表达这种观点，是会招致杀身之祸的。 然而在指出这一点的同时，我也必须强调：RSF准军事武装本身就是苏丹正规军一手扶植出来的怪胎。它是苏丹军政府当年为了私利而亲手创建的准军事民兵，是政府纵容它膨胀成今天这个恐怖怪物的。毫无疑问，眼下前线正在发生的最残暴恶行中，99%都是RSF一手制造的。甚至连他们自己都极其嚣张地录像记录下了自己的暴行。在苏丹，你若说错半句话，就会立刻招致杀身之祸。一旦你的言论被曲解误读，后果不堪设想。你懂我的意思吗？在那种恐怖环境下，根本无法像我们现在坐在这里一样冷静理性、充满哲学思辨地去讨论问题，那是绝对不可能存在的奢望。
Original English **Mamoun Hassan**: Yeah. So everybody will be like, no, we're with the army. But we know the army is complicit in doing some crazy things. Before this, me and Walaa's presence here in this country is literally a byproduct of how the army itself has ruled Sudan and how it has pressured people to leave the country. Right. And when I say that in Sudan, it's a really dangerous thing to say. Right. But at the same time, I also go back and I say the RSF itself, it's also a byproduct of the army itself. It was literally a paramilitary that was created by the army, by the government, and it was allowed to be established as what it is. There is no doubt that the atrocities right now, the vast majority of 99% of it is done by the RSF. And they documented it on their own, by themselves. Really, can you say the wrong thing in Sudan? You get killed immediately if it was misunderstood, if it was misinterpreted. You know what I mean? Like trying to be philosophical like how we are right now, right? That's not a thing, right?
**Walaa Hassanein**: 并且有一方正在持续接受来自外部大国源源不断的资金与武器输送，这在当下造成了远为惨重的破坏与伤亡。这就是为什么民间存在如此严重的分歧。但毋庸置疑，当前肆意造成更大规模屠杀与破坏的一方，正是快速支援部队RSF。
Original English **Walaa Hassanein**: There is a side that's being funded from the outside that's actually causing more damage right now at the moment. So that's why there is this division. But yeah, there is a side that's doing a lot more harm right now, which is the RSF.
**Jeyan Jeganathan**: 当我们谈论外部国家的干预时，也应该谈谈加拿大，以及加拿大或许在此问题上表现出的不作为或未深度介入。
Original English **Jeyan Jeganathan**: We talk about other countries. When we talk a little bit about Canada and sort of perhaps its lack of getting involved here.
**Mamoun Hassan**: 好啊，那我们就来好好谈谈加拿大。加拿大是脱不了干系的，加拿大在苏丹的这场战争中难辞其咎，处于完全的共谋状态。加拿大长久以来在苏丹有跨国石油公司在开展业务，并在苏丹深耕经营了极长时间。这些涉事企业至今仍在向加拿大政府缴纳税款。为什么我们的官方至今没有发出任何有力的严正谴责？
Original English **Mamoun Hassan**: Well, let's talk about Canada. Yeah. Okay. Canada is complicit. Canada is fully complicit in this war in Sudan. Canada has been operating in Sudan—oil companies that's in Sudan, that's worked in Sudan for a long, long time. But these are still companies that are paying taxes in this country. Why do we not have any sort of condemnation?
### 一线危局与绝望中的希望 **Jeyan Jeganathan**: 鉴于你们所承担的救助工作，当你们身处前线当地时，内心会感到恐惧与担忧吗？
Original English **Jeyan Jeganathan**: Through the work that you guys do, do you guys worry when you guys are down there?
**Mamoun Hassan**: 是的，我们非常害怕。上次去我甚至坚决拒绝带她同行。
Original English **Mamoun Hassan**: Yes we do. I refuse to take Walaa last time.
**Walaa Hassanein**: 是的，当时我们都极度害怕。
Original English **Walaa Hassanein**: Yeah, we were scared.
**Mamoun Hassan**: 我实在不敢带她冒这个险。
Original English **Mamoun Hassan**: I didn't want to take her.
**Walaa Hassanein**: 随时可能发生任何致命意外。
Original English **Walaa Hassanein**: Anything could happen.
**Mamoun Hassan**: 比如我们在喀土穆的办事处，工作人员刚刚就通报目击到有军用无人机在头顶盘旋飞过。前线随时都在发生盲目的暴力袭击。更可怕的是生病：一旦在苏丹染病，你很有可能会直接死于疟疾。
Original English **Mamoun Hassan**: Our office in Khartoum, for instance. They were just reporting seeing an actual drone that was flying by. So there was like the random acts of violence that happened, right? If I fall sick—
**Walaa Hassanein**: 是的，上帝保佑千万不能有人生病。
Original English **Walaa Hassanein**: Yeah. God forbid one of us gets sick.
**Mamoun Hassan**: 疟疾、霍乱以及各类恶性传染病肆虐，当地的公共医疗体系早已彻底崩溃，根本不具备救治任何病患的能力。你仅仅是不小心吃错了不洁的食物，就可能丧命。
Original English **Mamoun Hassan**: If you get sick, like you're more likely to actually die of malaria in Sudan. And cholera and all these kinds of things, because the systems are just non-existent in terms of like helping people. You can just eat the wrong food and—
**Walaa Hassanein**: 先别提生病了，当地连基本的电力都完全没有保障。人们几乎整整一天都处于彻底断电状态，偶尔一天才来电一个小时。而且获取清洁饮用水极其困难。对于我们而言，完全是因为他工作的特殊支持才勉强维持这些基本物资。如果完全靠平民自己独立维生，我们根本无法在当下的苏丹生存下去。
Original English **Walaa Hassanein**: And forget just getting sick. There's no electricity. People go without electricity for the whole day, almost. They get it for like one hour. Also, access to water is really difficult. Like for us, it's through his work that we're able to get these things. But if we were left a little bit on our own, I don't think we'll make it right now.
**Jeyan Jeganathan**: 我们坐在这间温馨美丽的房子里，享用着丰盛可口的饭菜，而与此同时在苏丹本土却有数百万人背井离乡流离失所，这种反差极为刺目。面对街道两旁对数千公里外的浩劫一无所知的邻居们，你们内心是否感到沮丧？在谈及苏丹的未来时，对你们而言“希望”究竟是什么模样？
Original English **Jeyan Jeganathan**: I am obviously acknowledged that we are sitting here in your beautiful home, and we're having a lovely meal, and there are millions of people who are displaced. How frustrating is it that, you know, there are houses down the street who have no idea? I'm wondering, what does hope look like for you when it comes to Sudan?
**Mamoun Hassan**: 这让人感到无比沮丧，也令人极度心碎。正因如此，我们才全力利用社交媒体平台大声疾呼，不断向身边的每一个人讲述那里的真相。
Original English **Mamoun Hassan**: It's so frustrating and it's so heartbreaking. And that's why we use like our social media platforms to talk about it. We talk to people about it.
**Jeyan Jeganathan**: 对于这个家庭而言，接收来自海外故土满目疮痍的消息是一场充斥着悲恸、呼吁与公众倡导的漫长修行。这完全出自一种刻不容缓的紧迫感——必须确保国际社会不会对这场惨剧彻底移开视线。
Original English **Jeyan Jeganathan**: For this family, news of the destruction from abroad is a constant exercise in grief, advocacy and education, driven by an urgent necessity to ensure the global community does not look away.
**Walaa Hassanein**: 当看到自己所做的努力正在唤醒人们的关注、看到越来越多的人开始讨论并深入了解苏丹时，我内心感到非常欣慰，这赋予了我巨大的希望。甚至连本地的学校现在都在为苏丹组织慈善募捐，我的孩子们和他们的同龄朋友也都在主动学习和了解苏丹的危机。因此，我心中依然抱有希望。
Original English **Walaa Hassanein**: I do feel good that I am raising awareness and people are talking more about Sudan and learning more about Sudan, so it does give me a lot of hope. And even schools are fundraising for Sudan at the moment, and my children and their friends are learning about it. So I am hopeful.
**Jeyan Jeganathan**: 大家认为我们未来应该更多报道哪些维度的故事？有哪些深层问题值得国际社会投入更多关注？欢迎在评论区留言告诉我们，或者直接发送邮件至 TheRundown@TVO.org。感谢收看，我们下周同一时间再见。
Original English **Jeyan Jeganathan**: What stories do you think we should be covering more? Are there issues you think deserve more attention? Let us know in the comments or send us an email to TheRundown@TVO.org. Until then, I will see you next week.