如何辨识法西斯主义:历史、特征与当代警示 超級歪 SuperY 2025-11-05

法西斯主义的定义与特征

台湾政治中经常出现给政治对手贴标签的现象,例如称他们为纳粹或法西斯(Fascism: 一种极权主义的民族主义政治意识形态)。

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Taiwanese politics often slaps labels on political opponents. Calling them Nazis or fascists.

1994年台北市长候选人辩论中,朱立伦将司法调查比作“纳粹”,引发了抗议。

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1994 Taipei mayoral candidate debate. Chu Li-lun's analogy of judicial investigation to "Nazis" sparks protests.

近期一些争议性言论引起了欧洲经济贸易办事处在台湾的关注。

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Recent controversial remarks have drawn attention from the European Economic and Trade Office in Taiwan.

许多人认为这让国家蒙羞。

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Many people say it's a disgrace to the country.

在台湾社会,人们常把模仿希特勒和纳粹(Nazis: 德国国家社会主义工人党的成员)当作玩笑。

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In Taiwanese society, people often imitate Hitler and the Nazis as a joke.

光复中学学生模仿纳粹游行引发争议,被批无知。

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Guangfu High School students' Nazi parade sparks controversy, slammed as ignorant.

宋健梁佩戴纳粹臂章接受质询,网友怒斥:国民党让台湾蒙羞。

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Song Jianliang wore a Nazi armband while being questioned, netizens rage: KMT is disgracing Taiwan.

“罢免绿色”发起人打扮成纳粹,德国驻台代表强烈谴责“无耻行径”。

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Initiator of Green Recall Dressed as Nazi, German Representative in Taiwan Strongly Condemns 'Shameless Act' | TVBS News

为什么“法西斯”在国际上是一个如此敏感的标签?

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Why is "fascist" such a sensitive label internationally?

以及如何识别具有法西斯倾向的人或政党?

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And how do you identify people or political parties with fascist tendencies?

在21世纪,法西斯主义是否可能卷土重来?

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Is it possible for fascism to make a comeback in the 21st century?

在今天的视频中,我们将讨论法西斯主义到底是什么。

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In today's video, we're going to talk about What exactly is fascism?

从历史上看,各种法西斯团体有些保守,有些激进。

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Historically, various fascist groups have been some conservative, some radical.

实际上很难找到一个普遍的定义。

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It's actually not easy to find a universal definition.

然而,学者们认为法西斯主义有几个显著特征。

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However, scholars believe that fascism has several distinct characteristics.

首先,它是一个极权主义(Totalitarianism: 国家对社会生活进行全面控制的政治体制)国家体系,由一人领导的单一政党。

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First, it is a totalitarian state system. A single party under one person.

其次,它通常有一个魅力型领导人进行独裁统治。

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Second, it usually has a charismatic leader ruling dictatorially.

独裁者的话语甚至可以超越科学权威。

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The dictator's words can even outweigh scientific authority.

例如,希特勒曾说:“科学只有在有利于国家时才有用。”

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For example, Hitler said, "Science is only useful when it benefits the nation."

第三,法西斯主义本质上是一种排他性民族主义(Exclusionary Nationalism: 强调本民族优越性并排斥他者的民族主义)和种族主义(Racism: 认为某些种族优越于其他种族并据此歧视他者的思想)。

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Third, fascism is inherently an exclusionary nationalism and racism.

例如,纳粹推行的优生学(Eugenics: 旨在通过选择性繁殖来改善人类遗传质量的社会哲学)就是一个极端案例。

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For example, the eugenics promoted by the Nazis is an extreme case.

第四,法西斯主义有一种煽动选民的危机叙事(Crisis Narrative: 煽动民众对国家面临危机的恐惧和紧迫感的故事),并热衷于推动民族复兴。

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Fourth, fascism has a crisis narrative that incites voters. And it is passionate about promoting national rejuvenation.

第五,法西斯主义本质上是反动性(Reactionary: 反对社会进步,主张回到旧有秩序的政治立场)的。

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Fifth, fascism is essentially reactionary.

它认为自由民主、左翼和女权主义带来的社会进步,都在损害他们的利益。

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Believing that social progress brought about by liberal democracy, the left, and feminism, are all harming their interests.

法西斯主义的历史起源

理解法西斯主义的最佳方式是审视其产生的环境。

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The best way to understand fascism is to look at the environment in which it emerged.

19世纪末,法国地中海沿岸的盐沼地带,有传言称三名法国工人被意大利移民工人杀害。

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Late 19th century, salt marshes on the Mediterranean coast of France. Rumor had it that three French workers were killed by Italian migrant workers.

警方开始拘留意大利人。

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Police began detaining Italians.

法国社会弥漫着对外国移民工人的敌意气氛。

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French society was filled with an atmosphere of hostility towards foreign migrant workers.

当时被誉为法西斯主义之父的法国作家莫里斯·巴雷斯指出,民族认同源于一片土地的历史、传统和神话。

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Maurice Barrès, a French writer hailed as the father of fascism at the time, pointed out that national identity originates from the history, traditions, and myths of a land.

因为法国农民一直在这片土地上成长,他们与土地形成了天然的共同体,因此拥有更合法的社会治理权。

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Because French farmers have always grown up on this land, they are a naturally formed community with the land. And have more legitimacy to govern society.

外国移民永远无法取代真正的法国人。

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Foreign immigrants can never replace true French people.

1889年,巴雷斯进一步利用当地的反犹情绪竞选公职。

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In 1889, Barrès further used local anti-Semitic sentiment to run for office.

在这个案例中,我们看到了法西斯思想的原型:一种排外的右翼民族主义。

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In this case, we see the prototype of fascist thought: a form of xenophobic right-wing nationalism.

实际上,从19世纪到20世纪初,民族主义最初是一种相对进步的左翼意识形态。

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Actually, from the 19th to the early 20th century, nationalism was originally a relatively progressive left-wing ideology.

当时许多被殖民的人民会利用民族自决(National Self-determination: 民族有权自由决定自己的政治地位和发展道路的原则)的思想来挑战当时的帝国。

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At that time, many colonized people would use the idea of national self-determination to challenge the empires of the time.

但为了挑战外国殖民政权,民族主义常常诉诸某种浪漫化的本土根源。

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But in order to challenge foreign colonial regimes, nationalism often appealed to some kind of romanticized indigenous roots.

例如,当意大利在19世纪首次统一为民族国家(Nation-state: 民族与国家范围一致的政治实体)时,是意大利革命家马志尼推动了民族主义以实现民族解放,他认为人民拥有共同的文化渊源,因此意大利半岛上分裂的小国可以合并为一个国家。

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For example, when Italy was first unified into a nation-state in the 19th century, it was the Italian revolutionary Mazzini who promoted nationalism for national liberation, believing that the people shared a common cultural origin, and therefore the divided small states on the Italian peninsula could be merged into one country.

当一个国家首次建立时,通常会出现某些民族神话来维系共同体。

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When a country is first created, certain national myths often emerge to maintain the community.

这本身并不是问题。

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This in itself is not a problem.

问题在于,民族神话被当时的极右翼转化为民族优越感,成为他们争夺权力的武器。

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The problem is that national myths were transformed into national superiority by the far right at that time, becoming weapons for them to fight for power.

就像1870年德国统一后,许多德国人觉得德国并未真正统一,因为其境内的居民并非单一民族。

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Like after the German unification in 1870, many Germans felt that Germany wasn't truly unified, because the population within its borders wasn't a unified ethnicity.

德国浪漫主义哲学家尤利乌斯·朗贝恩在他的著作《伦勃朗作为教育者》中,提出了Volkish哲学(Volkish Philosophy: 德国浪漫主义民族主义思想,强调民族血统、文化和土地的统一性),认为民族主义建立在民族认同的统一性之上,一个具有一致道德价值观的群体,通过血统和文化清晰界定,是一个自然的共同体,不同于后来移民的人。

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German Romantic philosopher Julius Langbehn, in his book 'Rembrandt as Educator,' proposed a Volkish philosophy, arguing that nationalism is built on the unity of ethnic identity, a group with consistent moral values, clearly defined by bloodline and culture, a natural community, different from those who immigrate later.

他赞扬荷兰的伦勃朗和德国的歌德是日耳曼民族的英雄,倡导复兴日耳曼的阳刚之气,而犹太人则是社会的毒瘤。

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He praised Rembrandt of the Netherlands and Goethe of Germany as heroes of the Germanic people, advocating for the revival of Germanic virility, while Jews were the poison of society.

这本书出版后立即成为畅销书,后来成为纳粹主义的意识形态基础。

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This book immediately became a bestseller after its publication, and later became the ideological foundation of Nazism.

但这种排他性的民族优越感是如何产生的呢?

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But how did this kind of exclusionary ethnocentric superiority arise?

一种观点认为,这是因为19世纪欧洲社会经历了快速的资本主义现代化(Capitalist Modernization: 以资本主义经济发展模式为核心的社会现代化进程),传统秩序被打破,贫富差距扩大。

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One school of thought believes it's because 19th-century European society underwent rapid capitalist modernization, traditional order was disrupted, and the wealth gap widened.

许多本地农民和劳工成为现代化进程中的失败者。

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Many local farmers and laborers became losers in modernization.

但统治阶级却说这是历史的进步。

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But the ruling class said this was historical progress.

此时,极右翼趁机夺取权力并煽动群众,提供充满情感的解释,声称我们的国家正面临危机并走向衰落。

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At this time, the far right took the opportunity to seize power and incite the masses, providing emotionally charged explanations, saying that our country is facing a crisis and heading for decline.

罪魁祸首是那些控制着祖国的外国势力。

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The culprit is that group of foreign forces controlling the homeland.

极右翼向公众承诺“让国家再次伟大”,恢复其昔日辉煌,将自己描绘成民族解放的代言人,让群众在情感上认同他们。

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The far right promised the public to make the country great again, restoring its former glory, portraying themselves as spokespersons for national liberation, allowing the masses to emotionally identify with them.

就像19世纪80年代开始,各种反犹阴谋论在欧洲流传。

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It was like starting in the 1880s, various anti-Semitic conspiracy theories circulated in Europe.

犹太罗斯柴尔德家族被视为控制全球资本主义的化身。

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The Jewish Rothschild family was seen as the embodiment of controlling global capitalism.

法国极右翼抵制巴黎的犹太人百货公司。

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The French far-right boycotted Jewish-owned department stores in Paris.

俄罗斯的“黑百人团”甚至宣扬犹太人想要推翻沙皇的阴谋论,在街头示威并杀害了数百名犹太人。

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Russia's Black Hundreds even promoted the conspiracy theory that Jews wanted to overthrow the Tsar, demonstrating in the streets and killing hundreds of Jews.

这些极右翼策略后来成为法西斯主义者的常用策略。

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These far-right tactics later became common strategies for fascists.

心理学家勒庞观察到,19世纪末的欧洲政治已经从过去的精英政治转向大众政治。

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The psychologist Le Bon observed that European politics in the late 19th century had already shifted from the elite politics of the past to mass politics.

谁能控制群众的情绪,谁就能控制选票。

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Whoever controls the emotions of the masses can control the votes.

真相对群众来说并不重要,重要的是为群众提供他们渴望的幻象。

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The truth doesn't matter to the masses. What matters is providing the masses with the illusion they crave.

而法西斯主义抓住了这一点。

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And fascism grasped this.

墨索里尼和希特勒的崛起都发生在他们于社会动荡中出现并宣称“我们的国家正在衰落并濒临崩溃”的时候。

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The rise of Mussolini and Hitler both occurred when they emerged during social unrest and said, "Our country is declining and on the verge of collapse."

他们利用这一点煽动爱国情绪,动员社会上的失败者,利用外部敌人来强化内部认同,但实际上是为了消灭国内的敌人,以达到政治权力。

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They used this to stir up patriotic sentiments and mobilize society's losers, using an external enemy to strengthen internal identity, but in reality, it was to destroy the enemy within the country, in order to achieve political power.

因此,哲学家阿多诺将法西斯主义者的心理操纵技术称为“位移性攻击”(Displaced Aggression: 将对某个对象的攻击冲动转移到另一个较安全或可接受的对象上),将公众对社会不满产生的攻击性转移到一群替罪羊(Scapegoats: 将社会问题或不满归咎于特定群体以转移矛盾的对象)身上,声称这都是犹太人的错,或者是某些外国势力的干预。

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So the philosopher Adorno called the psychological manipulation techniques of fascists 'displaced aggression,' transferring the aggression generated by the public's dissatisfaction with society onto a group of scapegoats, saying it's all the Jews' fault, or the intervention of some foreign power.

如果人民选举我上台,我将驱逐所有这些人。

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If the people elect me to power, I will expel all these people.

这就是法西斯主义者能够获得民众支持的方式,因为它满足了情感宣泄的心理需求。

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That's how fascists can gain popular support. Because it satisfied the psychological need for emotional release.

1929年大萧条(Great Depression: 1929年开始的全球性经济危机)期间,法西斯主义者宣扬这是犹太人和共济会的阴谋。

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During the Great Depression of 1929, fascists propagated the idea that it was a conspiracy of Jews and Freemasons.

但这些主张只导致了法西斯主义在欧洲的兴起,而没有在美国。

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But these claims only led to the rise of fascism in Europe and not in the United States.

尽管大萧条在美国最为严重,这是为什么呢?

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Even though the Great Depression was most severe in the US, why is that?

因为美国的新政(New Deal: 美国总统罗斯福在1930年代为应对大萧条而实施的一系列经济和社会改革政策)迅速解决了问题,并成功平息了社会不满。

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Because the American New Deal quickly solved the problems and successfully quelled social discontent, it's not the case that extreme fascism automatically arises simply from widespread poverty and hardship.

并非仅仅因为普遍的贫困和苦难,极端法西斯主义就会自动产生。

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Because throughout human history, periods of widespread poverty and hardship have been everywhere, but only at certain times did fascist regimes emerge.

因为在整个人类历史上,普遍的贫困和苦难无处不在,但只有在特定时期才出现了法西斯政权。

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So, to understand fascism more deeply, we should understand it through exemplary cases. That is, to understand the most typical fascists, post-World War I Italy and Nazi Germany.

所以,要更深入地理解法西斯主义,我们应该通过典范案例来理解它,也就是理解第一次世界大战后的意大利和纳粹德国这两个最典型的法西斯主义者。

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After World War I ended in 1919, although Italy was one of the victors, it didn't get much in the way of benefits or territory.

意大利法西斯主义的兴起

第一次世界大战于1919年结束后,尽管意大利是战胜国之一,但它并未获得多少利益或领土。

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Italians felt this was a "mutilated victory" (vittoria mutilata).

意大利人觉得这是一场“残缺的胜利”(Mutilated Victory: 意大利在一战后虽为战胜国但未获得预期利益所产生的民族屈辱感)。

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Mussolini rose to power amidst this wave of discontent, presenting himself as a representative of the working people, and more capable of controlling the country, and creating a new Italy.

墨索里尼在这股不满浪潮中上台,将自己塑造成劳动人民的代表,并声称更有能力控制国家,创建一个新意大利。

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He organized the "Fascist Fighting Leagues."

他组织了“法西斯战斗联盟”(Fascist Fighting Leagues: 墨索里尼建立的准军事组织)。

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The word Fascis originally meant "bundle of rods," that is, a bunch of wooden rods tied together.

“Fascis”这个词最初的意思是“一捆棍棒”,即一束捆在一起的木棍。

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It was a symbol of authority in ancient Rome.

它是古罗马的权力象征。

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Mussolini used this word to symbolize power concentrated in the hands of the state.

墨索里尼用这个词来象征国家权力集中。

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He quickly won the support of small farmers.

他很快赢得了小农的支持,因为这些人普遍觉得政府无能。

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Because these people all felt the government was incompetent.

到1922年,墨索里尼的法西斯党已经拥有25万名成员。

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By 1922, Mussolini's Fascist Party already had 250,000 members.

他组织了“进军罗马”(March on Rome: 1922年墨索里尼及其追随者向罗马进军,最终夺取政权的事件),通过示威向执政党施压。

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He organized the March on Rome. To pressure the ruling party with a demonstration.

最终,他成功发动了政变。

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Finally, he successfully launched a coup.

墨索里尼当选意大利总理后,攻击左翼,修改选举法,限制新闻自由,使法西斯党成员在国会中获得多数席位。

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After Mussolini was elected Prime Minister of Italy, he attacked the left wing. Amended the election law. Restricted freedom of the press. So that members of the Fascist Party could obtain a majority of seats in Congress.

选举期间,政治对手贾科莫·马泰奥蒂揭露了选举舞弊。

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During the election, political opponent Giacomo Matteotti exposed election fraud.

结果,墨索里尼竟然派人绑架并谋杀了马泰奥蒂,这在意大利引起了公愤。

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As a result, Mussolini actually sent people to kidnap and murder Matteotti. Which caused a public outcry in Italy.

墨索里尼上任后实施的法西斯统治,实际上并非基于任何完整的意识形态,而仅仅是为了夺取权力并消灭政治敌人。

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The fascist rule implemented by Mussolini after taking office. Wasn't actually based on any complete ideology. But simply to seize power and eliminate political enemies.

后来,墨索里尼的私人哲学家乔瓦尼·詹蒂莱将其系统化为一套完整的意识形态。

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It was later systematized into a complete ideology by Giovanni Gentile, Mussolini's personal philosopher. systematized into a complete ideology.

詹蒂莱说,当我们意大利人闭上眼睛时,我们能感受到骨子里的意大利灵魂。

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Gentile said, When we Italians close our eyes, we can feel our Italian soul in our bones.

这个意大利灵魂继承自几千年前的古罗马文化。

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This Italian soul is inherited from the ancient Roman culture of thousands of years ago.

因此,在1930年代的大萧条期间,为了使意大利经济独立于进口,墨索里尼推行了“罗马精神的民族主义”。

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Therefore, during the Great Depression of the 1930s, in order to make Italy's economy independent of imports, Mussolini promoted "nationalism of the Roman spirit."

他鼓励意大利人民多吃国产大米,支持当地农民。

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He encouraged the Italian people to eat more domestic rice, and support local farmers.

不要吃进口意大利面,因为意大利面是现代发明。

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Don't eat imported pasta, because pasta is a modern invention.

古罗马人吃面包,依靠意大利面作为主食将无法恢复古罗马文明的辉煌。

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Ancient Romans ate bread. Relying on pasta as the main food will not restore the glory of ancient Roman civilization.

这种民族主义是法西斯主义者在面临经济危机时为巩固权力而发展出的意识形态。

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This kind of nationalism is the ideology that fascists developed to consolidate power when faced with economic crises.

纳粹德国与种族意识形态

我们可以在纳粹德国的例子中看到类似的轨迹。

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We can see a similar trajectory in the example of Nazi Germany.

第一次世界大战后,德国是一个战败国,承担着巨额赔款。

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After World War I, Germany was a defeated nation, bearing huge reparations.

加上1929年的大萧条,通货膨胀严重。

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Added to that was the Great Depression of 1929, with severe inflation.

德国有六百万人失业。

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Six million people were unemployed in Germany.

希特勒声称受到墨索里尼的启发,将自己包装成群众的代表,声称如果纳粹党上台,就能恢复德国的纪律和秩序。

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Hitler claimed to be inspired by Mussolini, packaging himself as a representative of the masses, claiming that if the Nazi Party came to power, it could restore discipline and order to Germany.

短期内,他获得了许多农民的支持。

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In the short term, he gained a lot of support from farmers.

1932年,四分之一的德国工人投票支持纳粹。

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In 1932, a quarter of German workers voted for the Nazis.

最终,1933年德国签署了《授权法案》(Enabling Act: 1933年德国通过的法案,赋予希特勒无需议会批准即可立法的权力),规定总理宣布的法案,即使违宪,也无需议会确认。

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Finally, in 1933, Germany signed the Enabling Act, stating that bills announced by the Chancellor, even if unconstitutional, did not need parliamentary confirmation.

这相当于终结了德国的法治,将国家变成了由领导人意志指挥的国家。

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This was equivalent to ending the rule of law in Germany, and turning the country into one commanded by the will of the leader.

获得独裁统治权后,纳粹迅速冻结了新闻自由、集会自由,并禁止了工会。

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After gaining dictatorial rule, the Nazis quickly froze freedom of the press, freedom of assembly, and banned trade unions.

甚至公务员的选拔也取决于对党的忠诚。

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Even the selection of civil servants depended on loyalty to the party.

但纳粹与其他法西斯团体有一个关键区别,它不仅仅是排外的爱国主义,而是发展成一种独特的种族主义形式。

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But the Nazis had a key difference from other fascist groups. It wasn't just xenophobic patriotism. It developed into a unique form of racism.

它强调需要牺牲其他种族以实现德国雅利安人(Aryans: 纳粹德国宣称的“优等民族”)的繁荣,这是纳粹的指导原则。

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Emphasizing the need to sacrifice other races to achieve the prosperity of the German Aryans. This was the Nazis' guiding principle.

一套优生学列出了哪些种族是劣等的,对德意志民族的繁荣有害,例如犹太人、同性恋者以及身心障碍者。

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A set of eugenics listed which races were inferior and detrimental to the prosperity of the German nation. Such as Jews, homosexuals, and people with physical and mental disabilities.

这些弱势个体必须被绝育,以提高德国人口的质量。

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These weak individuals had to be sterilized. In order to improve the quality of the German population.

同时,鼓励女性结婚生育以增加国家人口,因为对国家而言,这相当于培养未来的士兵。

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At the same time, women were encouraged to marry and have children to increase the nation's population. Because to the state, this was equivalent to raising future soldiers.

纳粹优生学中的一个关键概念是“生存空间”(Lebensraum: 纳粹德国提出的地缘政治概念,主张为德国民族扩张领土),认为雅利安人是主宰民族。

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A key concept in Nazi eugenics was "Lebensraum" (living space). Believing that Aryans were the master race.

主宰民族无限繁殖,自然会导致人口过剩。

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The master race reproduces and multiplies endlessly. Naturally, it would cause overpopulation.

因此,向外扩张领土是“不可避免的”,即使这意味着牺牲其他地区的劣等种族。

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Therefore, it was "inevitable" to expand their territory outwards. Even if it meant sacrificing inferior races in other regions.

这种生存空间的概念被纳粹用来为殖民各地辩护。

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This concept of Lebensraum was used by the Nazis to justify the colonization of various places.

但要向外扩张,就需要各种武器和战略物资。

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But to expand outwards, you need various arms and strategic materials.

而当时矿产最丰富的国家是中华民国。

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And the country with the richest mines at that time was the Republic of China.

因此,纳粹德国实际上与中国国民党(Kuomintang: 中国国民党)有着一段鲜为人知的外交伙伴关系。

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So Nazi Germany actually had a little-known diplomatic partnership with the Chinese Nationalist Party.

1930年代,在中德合作时期,纳粹派汉斯·冯·塞克特将军到中国担任军事顾问,协助国民党进行军事现代化并控制军事权力。

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In the 1930s, during the Sino-German cooperation period, the Nazis sent General Hans von Seeckt to China as a military advisor to assist the Nationalist Party in military modernization and control military power.

蒋介石将他的养子蒋纬国送到纳粹德国学习,并加入德国国防军。

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Chiang Kai-shek sent his adopted son Chiang Wei-kuo to Nazi Germany to study and join the Wehrmacht.

蒋介石和希特勒经常互致贺电。

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Chiang Kai-shek and Hitler often exchanged congratulatory telegrams.

法西斯主义在中国和台湾的影响

由于当时中国正处于内战和日本侵华时期,中国人民有强烈的民族危机感。

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Because it was during the Chinese Civil War and the Japanese invasion of China, the Chinese people had a strong sense of national crisis.

看到墨索里尼和纳粹上台后,他们的独裁统治迅速解决了国家危机,一种观点在中国人民中流行起来,认为民主政治效率低下,而独裁统治才真正强大。

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After seeing Mussolini and the Nazis come to power, and their dictatorial rule quickly address national crises, a view became popular among the Chinese people that democratic politics are inefficient and dictatorial rule is truly powerful.

1932年,蒋介石模仿墨索里尼的黑衫军,创建了一个名为“蓝衣社”(Blue Shirts Society: 蒋介石模仿法西斯模式建立的秘密组织,又称“三民主义力行社”)的秘密组织。

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In 1932, Chiang Kai-shek imitated Mussolini's Blackshirts. He created a secret organization called the "Blue Shirts Society." Also known as the "Three People's Principles Vigorously Practiced Society."

其成员大多是黄埔军校毕业生。

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Most of its members were graduates of the Whampoa Military Academy.

他们希望学习法西斯模式,使国民党的统治更加强大,并支持蒋介石成为人民心中的最高权威和核心信仰。

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They hoped to learn from the Fascist model. To make the Kuomintang's rule stronger. And to support Chiang Kai-shek as the supreme authority and core belief in the hearts of the people.

这个组织在六年内迅速发展到50万人的规模。

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This organization, within six years, rapidly grew to a scale of 500,000 people.

蒋介石多次派人到德国和意大利学习法西斯运作模式。

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Chiang Kai-shek sent people to Germany and Italy many times to study the Fascist operating model.

其中一位视察员胡轨看到纳粹统治下的德国人生活井然有序。

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One of the inspectors, Hu Gui, saw that the Germans under Nazi rule lived in an orderly manner.

回国后,他向蒋介石建议,要挽救中国于危亡,必须发起一场民族复兴运动,像德国和意大利一样,恢复古罗马的辉煌。

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After returning to China, he suggested to Chiang Kai-shek that to save China from its impending doom, it was necessary to launch a national revival movement. Like Germany and Italy. To restore the glory of ancient Rome.

中国也应该复兴传统的儒家美德——礼、义、廉、耻。

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China should also revive the traditional Confucian virtues of propriety, righteousness, integrity, and honor.

将中华民国的街道名称改为古代圣贤的名字,倡导军事化的生活教育。

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Changing the street names of the Republic of China to those of ancient sages and worthies. Advocating militarized life education.

这就是蒋介石推行的新生活运动(New Life Movement: 蒋介石在1930年代推行的社会道德改革运动)。

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This is the New Life Movement promoted by Chiang Kai-shek.

中华民国有趣的史事:蒋介石推行新生活运动,为中国的全面抗战做准备。

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Interesting historical moments of the Republic of China: Chiang Kai-shek promoted the New Life Movement, preparing China for a total war of resistance.

这就是为什么哈佛历史学家威廉·柯比说,中国从1930年代开始的现代化进程,是法西斯主义与传统儒家文化的混合体。

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That's why Harvard historian William Kirby said, China's modernization process, starting in the 1930s, was a hybrid combination of fascism and traditional Confucian culture.

中国现代化的“黄金十年”,实际上根植于国民党将中国法西斯化的历史。

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The golden decade of China's modernization, was actually rooted in the KMT's history of fascisizing China.

而国民党在1949年逃到台湾后,实际上是将法西斯独裁带到了台湾,建立了一个高度军事化的警察国家。

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And after the KMT fled to Taiwan in 1949, it essentially brought fascist dictatorship to Taiwan, establishing a highly militarized police state.

因此,台湾的民主化运动,不仅仅是反对独裁,其背后也是一场反对某种中国式法西斯主义的斗争。

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Therefore, Taiwan's democratization movement, is not just about fighting against dictatorship. Behind it is also a struggle against a certain Chinese-style fascism.

如何识别当代法西斯倾向:阶级、种族与性别

既然我们已经介绍了法西斯主义的经典案例,那么我们如何识别当代社会或政党是否具有法西斯倾向呢?

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Now that we've introduced the classic examples of fascism... So how do we identify whether contemporary society or political parties have fascist tendencies?

因为法西斯主义现在已经成为一个贬义词,没有哪个政党会自称法西斯。

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Because fascism has now become a term of abuse. No political party would call itself fascist.

但我们可以从种族、性别和阶级三个角度来审视个人或群体是否具有法西斯倾向。

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But we can examine whether an individual or group has fascist tendencies from three perspectives: race, gender, and class.

要审视一个人或群体是否具有法西斯倾向,我们可以从种族、性别和阶级三个方面入手。

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To examine a person or group for fascist leanings, we can look at race, gender and class.

首先,在阶级问题上,许多法西斯主义者,如墨索里尼和希特勒,会称自己为“国家社会主义者”(National Socialism: 纳粹党的意识形态,强调民族利益高于阶级斗争)。

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First, on the issue of class. Many fascists, like Mussolini and Hitler, would call themselves "National Socialists."

这个称谓是与当时的“国际社会主义”(International Socialism: 马克思主义思想,主张全世界工人阶级联合起来推翻资本主义)相对立的,后者是马克思所认为的工人没有祖国,全世界工人应该联合起来反抗资本主义。

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This title was in opposition to the then "International Socialism," which is what Marx believed, that workers have no country. Workers all over the world should unite to fight against capitalism.

但国家社会主义认为,工人当然有祖国,劳工运动应该优先考虑本地人。

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But National Socialism believes, no. Of course, workers have a country. The labor movement should prioritize native-born locals.

国内工人和资本家为了国家利益应该互相容忍。

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Domestic workers and capitalists should tolerate each other for the sake of national interests.

如果资本家能善待本地工人,那么他们就不会与外国工人联合起来反叛。

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If capitalists can treat local workers well, then they will not unite with foreign workers to rebel.

每个人都会变得更爱国,建设一个和谐的国家,而不是像马克思所说的那样进行阶级斗争。

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Everyone will become more patriotic, building a harmonious nation, instead of engaging in class struggle as Marx said.

希特勒告诉德国民众:“工人必须回到祖国的怀抱,与那些破坏国家的人作斗争”,这意味着与德国资本家联合起来对抗犹太资本家。

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Hitler told the German masses, "Workers must return to the bosom of the fatherland, and fight against those who destroy the nation," which meant uniting with German capitalists to fight against Jewish capitalists.

所以,法西斯主义本质上不挑战资本主义制度,它只是让资本也服从国家利益。

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So, fascism doesn't essentially challenge the capitalist system. It just makes capital also obey the interests of the state.

因为法西斯政权会帮助资本家摧毁左翼劳工运动,所以大企业在纳粹上台后支持他们。

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Because the fascist regime would help capitalists destroy the left-wing labor movement, so big businesses supported the Nazis after they came to power.

这样,国家就可以对工人说:“看,现在每个人,无论阶级,都在为国家奋斗。我们变得更爱国了。”

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This way, the state could say to the workers, "See, now everyone, regardless of class, is striving for the country. We've become more patriotic."

接下来是法西斯主义对种族的态度。

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Next is the fascist attitude towards race.

从19世纪末开始,极右翼将犹太人视为一个种族,而非一种宗教,从而将他们视为不可同化的异族。

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Starting in the late 19th century, the far right viewed Jews as a race, rather than a religion, thereby regarding them as an unassimilable foreign element.

因为当时欧洲进步人士的观点是,一个人只要在一个国家长期居住,就会被同化为其中一员,拥有相似的语言、文化和价值观。

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Because the view of European progressives at the time was that as long as a person lives in a country for a long time, they will be assimilated as a member, possessing similar language, culture, and values.

因此,这个人应该被赋予平等的公民权利,你是什么种族不是问题。

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Therefore, this person should be given equal civil rights. What race you are is not the question.

但争议在于:需要多长时间才能同化为社会成员?

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But the controversy lies in: How much time does it take to assimilate into a member of society?

法西斯作家巴雷斯认为,需要几个世纪生活在法国土地上,才能培养出法国民族性格。

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The fascist writer Barrès believed that it takes centuries of living on French soil to cultivate a French national character.

希特勒则认为,适者生存是种族之间的生存斗争,每个种族都想控制和主宰。

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Hitler, on the other hand, believed that survival of the fittest is the struggle for existence between races, and every race wants to control and dominate.

他们都追求种族纯洁性(Racial Purity: 纳粹等种族主义者追求的,通过隔离或消灭异族来保持本民族血统纯净的观念),并防止异族渗透。

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They all pursue racial purity and prevent infiltration by foreign races.

正是因为太多的犹太人是平等公民,雅利安人的种族利益才受到了侵犯。

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It was because too many Jews were equal citizens that the racial interests of the Aryans were violated.

例如,希特勒说性产业是犹太人发明的,目的是传播性病并消灭白人。

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For example, Hitler said that the sex industry was invented by Jews to spread venereal diseases and exterminate white people.

为了维护种族纯洁性,纳粹颁布了一系列政策,禁止犹太人与雅利安人通婚,并对有遗传疾病的人实施绝育政策,最终系统性地灭绝犹太人。

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In order to maintain racial purity, the Nazis issued a series of policies prohibiting marriage between Jews and Aryans, and implementing sterilization policies for people with hereditary diseases, and ultimately systematically exterminating Jews.

这些都源于法西斯种族主义。

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These are all due to fascist racism.

第二次世界大战后,种族平等被普遍认为是普世人权。

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After World War II, racial equality was universally recognized as a universal human right.

因此在当代政治辩论中,即使是极右翼的反移民团体也会否认自己是种族主义者。

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So in contemporary political debates, even far-right anti-immigration groups will deny being racist.

相反,他们辩称开放移民实际上是对本地人的种族歧视,因为它侵犯了本地白人的权利。

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Instead, they argue that opening up to immigration is actually racial discrimination against native people, because it infringes on the rights of local white people.

就像最近在欧洲流行的右翼言论,声称如果我们对穆斯林移民开放,他们在欧洲生育越来越多的孩子,最终白人将成为欧洲的少数民族。

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Like the recent right-wing rhetoric popular in Europe, saying if we open up to Muslim immigrants, and they have more and more children in Europe, eventually white people will become a minority population in Europe.

这就是对白人的种族压迫。

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That is racial oppression against white people.

他们以此来倡导限制移民或遣返非法移民。

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They use this to advocate for restricting immigration or repatriating illegal immigrants.

因此,在种族问题上,要识别某人是否具有法西斯倾向,可以看他们的论点是否煽动对某些种族的仇恨。

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So, on racial issues, To identify whether someone has fascist tendencies, you can look at their arguments to see if they incite hatred against certain races.

例如,声称所有穆斯林都是恐怖分子,或者所有印度人都是强奸犯,如果我们允许这些人移民,我们的国家就会完蛋。

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For example, saying that all Muslims are terrorists, or that all Indians are rapists, and that if we allow these people to immigrate, our country will be doomed.

这些带有种族歧视的排外言论带有法西斯色彩。

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These xenophobic remarks with racial discrimination carry a fascist tone.

最后,法西斯主义对性别问题也有自己的看法。

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Lastly, Fascism also had its own view on gender issues.

法西斯主义者厌恶女权主义和性别平等,主张男女角色“性别隔离但平等”(Separate but Equal: 法西斯主义主张男女在社会角色上分离但各自发挥同等重要作用的观念)。

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Fascists abhorred feminists and gender equality, and advocated for 'separate but equal' roles for men and women.

他们认为女性的天职是照顾家庭和生育子女。

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They believed a woman's natural duty was to take care of the family and have children.

他们认为真正的平等意味着女性做适合她们的事情。

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They thought true equality meant women doing what they were suited for.

然而,在两次世界大战期间,男性都上前线作战,后方的女性实际上主导了城市生活,承担了原本由男性担任的职位。

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However, during the two World Wars, men were all at the front lines fighting. Women in the rear actually dominated city life, taking on positions that were originally held by men.

许多妇女团体如雨后春笋般涌现。

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Many women's groups sprung up like mushrooms after rain.

这种发展让当时的法西斯主义者觉得,女性可以与男性竞争相同的职位,变得像男性意味着她们不再是女性。

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This development made Fascists at the time feel that women could compete with men for the same positions, and becoming like men meant they were no longer women.

例如,法国法西斯小说家皮埃尔·德里厄·拉罗歇感叹:“这个文明从此将没有性别。”

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For example, French Fascist novelist Pierre Drieu La Rochelle lamented: "This civilization will henceforth be without gender."

女性能够从事男性工作是文明衰落的象征。

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Women being able to do men's jobs was a symbol of civilizational decline.

而罗马尼亚法西斯组织“铁卫团”宣称,受过教育的女性将使社会贫瘠。

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And the Romanian Fascist organization Iron Guard declared that educated women would leave society barren.

他们想限制女性接受教育,并让女性待在家里,因为女性的使命是为白人种族繁衍后代。

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They wanted to restrict women's access to education and keep women at home, because a woman's mission was to reproduce for the white race.

因为两次世界大战导致欧洲人在战场上丧生,人口锐减。

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Because the two World Wars caused Europeans to die on the battlefield. The population plummeted.

社会期望女性帮助生育更多孩子以补充人口。

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Society expected women to help have more children to replenish the population.

所以,一方面法西斯主义者憎恨女性,另一方面他们又希望女性成为完美的母亲。

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So, on the one hand, Fascists hated women. On the other hand, they wanted women to become perfect mothers.

你可能会想,女性怎么可能支持这种观点?

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You might think, how could women possibly support this view?

但纳粹上台后,有200万女性成员。

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But after the Nazis took power, there were 2 million female members.

因为法西斯主义者非常清楚,要动员女性为国家服务,就必须给予她们一些好处。

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Because the Fascists knew very well, that to mobilize women for the nation, they had to give them some benefits.

例如,允许女性从事医疗、教师和社会工作,让她们感受到为国家做贡献。

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For example, allowing women to work as medical staff, teachers, and social workers. Giving them the feeling of contributing to the country.

同时,法西斯主义者还会实施一些社会福利政策,让女性觉得女权运动的需求正在实现。

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At the same time, the Fascists would also implement some social welfare policies. Making women feel that the demands of the women's movement were being realized.

这样,女性就会自愿承担起做个好母亲的角色。

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In this way, women would voluntarily take on the role of being a good mother.

例如,纳粹妇女领袖格特鲁德·肖尔茨-克林克自己就有11个孩子,以身作则成为一个好母亲。

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For example, Gertrud Scholtz-Klink, the Nazi women's leader, had 11 children herself. Leading the way as a good mother.

法西斯主义不仅对女性提出要求,也对男性提出要求。

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Fascism doesn't just make demands of women. It also makes demands of men.

例如,纳粹效仿日本武士道的布西道(Bushido: 日本武士道精神)和条顿骑士团(Teutonic Knights: 中世纪德国的军事修会)的军事精神,认为这是展现男子气概的典范。

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For example, the Nazis emulated the samurai code of Bushido and the Teutonic Knights' military ethos. Considering this a model for demonstrating masculinity.

而同性恋者缺乏男子气概,违反了男女之别。

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And homosexuals, lacking masculinity, violated the distinction between men and women.

所以纳粹政权也打击同性恋,强迫他们接受治疗。

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So the Nazi regime also cracked down on homosexuality. Forcing them to undergo treatment.

数万名同性恋者被送往集中营并处决。

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Tens of thousands of homosexuals were sent to concentration camps and executed.

一些学者认为,这实际上是因为在高度男性化的法西斯团体中,容易发展出强烈的同性友谊,因此必须刻意压制同性恋欲望。

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Some scholars believe this is actually because strong same-sex friendships easily develop within highly masculine fascist groups, so homosexual desires must be deliberately suppressed.

一些恐同的法西斯主义者实际上是深藏不露的同性恋者。

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Some homophobic fascists are actually deeply closeted.

例如,纳粹冲锋队的创始人恩斯特·罗姆就是一个典型的男性化士兵,但他私下里是同性恋。

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For example, Ernst Rohm, a pioneer of the Nazi Sturmabteilung, was a typical masculine soldier, but he was secretly gay.

所以,在性别问题上,要识别某人是否具有法西斯倾向,可以看他们如何讨论性别平等。

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So, on gender issues, to identify whether someone has fascist tendencies, you can look at how they discuss gender equality.

具有法西斯倾向的人会说,女权主义、同性恋和跨性别主义将导致人类文明崩溃。

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People with fascist tendencies will say that feminism, homosexuality, and transgenderism will cause human civilization to collapse.

法西斯政党会命令学校不能教授女权主义或性别平等,因为这些性别“进步”和“平等”的思想将导致国家毁灭。

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Fascist parties will order that schools cannot teach feminism or gender equality, because these gender "progressive" and "equal" ideas will lead the country to ruin.

有必要回到某种过去的性别秩序,以使社会恢复正常。

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It is necessary to return to a certain past gender order to restore society to normal.

美国是否正在法西斯化?

我们可能认为法西斯主义是过去的事情,好像它离我们很遥远。

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We might think fascism is a thing of the past. Like it's something far removed from us.

但许多研究法西斯主义的当代学者指出,特朗普就任后的美国已逐渐法西斯化。

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But many scholars studying fascism today point out that the United States after Trump's inauguration has gradually become fascist.

法西斯主义就是当前特朗普政府正在做的事情。

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Fascism is what the current Trump administration is doing.

在过去十年里,我们一直在争论这是否是法西斯主义。

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For the past decade, we've been debating whether this is fascism.

人们争论这到底是威权主义还是法西斯主义。

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People argue about whether it's authoritarianism or fascism.

我现在认为我们不应该浪费时间继续争论。

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My view now is that we shouldn't waste time continuing to argue about it.

让我们回顾一下法西斯主义的特征。

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Let's review the characteristics of fascism.

法西斯主义巧妙地利用危机叙事来煽动选民。

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Fascism skillfully uses a crisis narrative to incite voters.

它告诉你,我们的国家正受到某种外部势力的入侵,比如移民、女权主义、左翼、精英阶层、那些脱离现实的媒体精英、政治精英。

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It tells you, our country is being invaded by some external force. Like immigrants, feminism, the left, the elite class, those out-of-touch media elites, political elites.

但这些精英,这些势力,在平等和进步的幌子下,已经渗透到国家媒体、校园和政府机构。

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But those elites, these forces, under the guise of equality and progress, have infiltrated the national media, campuses, and government agencies.

可能存在亡国危机。

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There may be a crisis of national extinction.

传播这种危机叙事后,法西斯领导人会声称自己民族的种族优越。

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After spreading this crisis narrative, fascist leaders will claim that their own people's race is superior.

我们将使国家再次伟大。

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We will make the country great again.

我们美国人更强大、更坚韧、更疯狂、更聪明。

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We Americans are stronger, tougher, crazier, and smarter.

只要选举我,我就能处理这场危机。

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Just elect me, and I can handle this crisis.

我就是你们的声音。

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I am your voice.

我一个人就能解决今天的危机。

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I alone can fix today's crisis.

这使得法西斯主义者能够通过民主选举将国家转变为极权政府。

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This allows fascists to transform the country into a totalitarian government through democratic elections.

最近,埃隆·马斯克在特朗普就职典礼上直接行纳粹礼,引起网民哗然。

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Recently, Elon Musk directly gave a Nazi salute at Trump's inauguration, causing an uproar among netizens.

我只想说谢谢你让这一切发生。

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I just want to say thank you for making this happen.

谢谢你。

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Thank you.

我的心与你同在。

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My heart is with you.

特朗普上任后,对委内瑞拉移民进行了大规模驱逐,尽管联邦法官裁定驱逐非法。

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After Trump took office, he carried out a massive deportation of Venezuelan immigrants, even though a federal judge had ruled the deportation illegal.

特朗普没有遵守司法裁决,犯了藐视法庭(Contempt of Court: 违反法庭命令或妨碍司法公正的行为)罪。

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Trump did not comply with the judicial ruling and committed contempt of court.

总统一个人凌驾于法律之上。

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The president alone is above the law.

接下来是限制人民的言论自由,冻结哈佛大学22亿美元的预算,禁止美国人抗议以色列屠杀巴勒斯坦人。

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Next is restricting people's freedom of speech. Freezing Harvard University's $2.2 billion budget. Forbidding Americans from protesting Israel's slaughter of Palestinians.

这导致哈佛大学起诉特朗普政府。

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This led Harvard University to sue the Trump administration.

超过150位美国大学校长联合签署声明,指出特朗普政府正在干涉美国大学的学术自由和言论自由。

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More than 150 American university presidents jointly signed a statement. Stating that the Trump administration is interfering with American universities' academic freedom and freedom of speech.

总统的意志凌驾于科学界之上。

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The president's will overrides the scientific community.

许多美国学者感到审查,无法进行学术研究。

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Many American scholars feel censored. Unable to conduct academic research.

因此,最近三位美国耶鲁大学的法西斯主义研究权威——贾森·斯坦利、马西·肖尔、蒂莫西·斯奈德,决定离开美国。

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Therefore, recently three American Yale University authorities on fascism studies, Jason Stanley, Marci Shore, Timothy Snyder, decided to leave the United States.

因为美国正在逐渐法西斯化。

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Because the United States is gradually becoming fascist.

这是他们离开美国后给世界的警告。

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This is the warning they gave to the world after leaving the United States.

我们从1933年学到的教训是:你最好早点离开,否则就太晚了。

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The lesson we learned from 1933 is: You better get out early, or it will be too late.

在过去十年里,我花了很多时间试图让人们做好准备,如果特朗普当选,更不用说两次了。

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I've spent a lot of time in the past decade trying to get people to prepare if Trump got elected, let alone twice.

当你不断思考:我现在安全吗?你就知道你生活在一个法西斯社会中。

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You know you're living in a fascist society when you constantly think: Am I safe right now?

我们想要的是一个没有人需要担心自己安全的国家。

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The country we want is one where nobody has to worry about their safety.

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