民主制度在数学上为何不可能?阿罗不可能定理揭示投票系统的困境 veritasium 2024-08-27

民主制度的数学困境

民主制度在数学上可能是不可能的。

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Democracy might be mathematically impossible.

(严肃音乐)这并非一种价值判断,也不是对人性的评论,更不是在文明史上民主社会如何稀有和不稳定。
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This isn't a value judgment, a comment about human nature, nor a statement about how rare and unstable democratic societies have been in the history of civilization.

我们当前对民主的尝试,即我们选举领导人的方法,从根本上来说是不理性的。
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Our current attempt at democracy, the methods we're using to elect our leaders, are fundamentally irrational.

这是一个公认的数学事实。
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And this is a well-established mathematical fact.

本视频将探讨证明这一事实并因此获得诺贝尔奖的数学理论。
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This is a video about the math that proved that fact and led to a Nobel Prize.

它将阐述群体如何做出决策,以及我们的投票系统所陷入的陷阱。
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It's a video about how groups of people make decisions and the pitfalls that our voting systems fall into.

(柔和音乐)
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(subdued music)

简单多数制及其问题

举行选举最简单的方法之一是要求选民在选票上标记一位他们最喜欢的候选人。

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One of the simplest ways to hold an election is to ask the voters to mark one candidate as their favorite on a ballot.

计票时,得票最多的候选人赢得选举。
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And when the votes are counted, the candidate with the most votes wins the election.

这被称为**简单多数制**(First Past the Post: 投票者选择一位候选人,得票最多者胜出)。
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This is known as "first past the post" voting.

不过,这个名字有点用词不当。
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The name is kind of a misnomer though.

没有任何候选人需要“越过”任何“终点线”。
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There is no post that any of the candidates need to get past.

获胜者只是得票最多的候选人。
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The winner is just the candidate with the most votes.

这种方法可能可以追溯到古代。
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This method likely goes back to antiquity.

自14世纪以来,它一直被用于选举英国**下议院**(House of Commons: 英国议会的下议院)议员,至今仍是一种常见的投票系统,全世界有44个国家用它来选举领导人。
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It has been used to elect members of the House of Commons in England since the 14th century, and it's still a common voting system with 44 countries in the world using it to elect its leaders.

其中30个国家曾是英国殖民地。
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30 of these countries were former British colonies.

美国作为前英国殖民地,在大多数州仍然使用简单多数制来选举其在选举团中的代表。
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The US, being a former British colony, still uses first past the post in most of its states to elect their representatives to the electoral college.

但简单多数制存在问题。
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But first past the post has problems.

如果你在议会中选择代表,你可能会,而且经常会遇到这样的情况:国家的大多数人并没有投票给最终掌权的政党。
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If you are selecting representatives in a parliament, you can, and frequently do, get situations where the majority of the country did not vote for the party that ends up holding the power.

在过去的一百年里,英国议会中有21次出现单一政党获得多数席位的情况,但其中只有两次是大多数选民真正投票给了那个政党。
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In the last a hundred years, there were 21 times a single party held a majority of the seats in the British Parliament, but only two of those times did the majority of the voters actually vote for that party.

因此,一个只有少数人投票支持的政党最终掌握了政府的所有权力。
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So a party, which only a minority of the people voted for, ends up holding all of the power in government.

简单多数制导致的另一个问题是,相似的政党最终会互相“窃取”选票。
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Another thing that happens because of first past the post is that similar parties end up stealing votes from each other.

2000年美国总统大选,本质上是阿尔·戈尔(Al Gore)和乔治·W·布什(George W. Bush)之间的选举。
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The 2000 US presidential election, which was an election essentially between Al Gore and George W. Bush.

当时,全国每个州都使用简单多数制来决定选举结果。
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At that point, every state in the nation used first past the post to determine the outcome of the election.

布什在佛罗里达州获得了更多选票,但优势微乎其微。
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Bush had more votes in Florida, but by a ridiculously slim margin.

票数不足600张。
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It was fewer than 600 votes.

但选票上还有另一位候选人,拉尔夫·纳德(Ralph Nader)。
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But there was another candidate on the ballot, Ralph Nader.

纳德是绿党候选人。
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Nader was a Green candidate.

他无疑比戈尔或布什都更左倾。
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He was certainly to the left of either Gore or Bush.

纳德说:“我们需要的是公民关注、人民关注的浪潮,无论是穷人、富人还是中产阶级,以对抗特殊利益集团的权力。”
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- And what we need is the upsurge of citizen concern, people concern, poor, rich, or middle class, to counteract the power of the special interests.

他在佛罗里达州获得了近十万张选票。
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And he got almost a hundred thousand votes in Florida.

一位选民说:“我只是不知道我是否能凭良心投票给布什或戈尔。”
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- I just don't know if I can, with a conscience, vote for Bush or Gore.

另一位说:“我将投票给拉尔夫·纳德。”
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- I will vote for Ralph Nader.

大多数这些选民都感到沮丧,因为他们投票给纳德而非戈尔,最终却导致了布什的当选。
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Most of those voters were devastated that by voting for Nader rather than Gore, they ended up electing Bush.

这就是所谓的**搅局者效应**(Spoiler Effect: 某个候选人虽然无法胜选,但其存在却导致与其理念相近的另一位主要候选人落败)。
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This is what is called a spoiler effect.

几乎所有纳德的选民都更喜欢戈尔而不是布什,但在简单多数制下,他们无法表达这种偏好,因为你只能投票给一位候选人。
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Almost all Nader voters preferred Gore to Bush, but in a first past the post system, they had no way of expressing that preference because you could only vote for one candidate.

(探究音乐)
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(inquisitive music)

因此,简单多数制激励选民进行策略性投票。
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So first past the post incentivizes voters to vote strategically.

假设有五个政党,其中一个会是最小的,所以他们不会赢。
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Say there are five parties, one of them will be the smallest one, and so they won't win.

你为什么要投票给他们呢?
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Why would you vote for them?

如果你有四个或三个政党,情况也是如此。
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This is also true if you have four parties or three parties.

这种赢者通吃的投票系统导致权力集中在较大的政党,最终形成两党制。
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This winner-takes-all voting system leads to a concentration of power in larger parties, eventually, leading to a two-party system.

这种效应非常普遍,以至于它有一个名称:**杜瓦杰法则**(Duverger's Law: 简单多数制投票系统倾向于形成两党制)。
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This effect is common enough that it has a name: Duverger's Law.

所以简单多数制并不是一个好的选择。
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So first past the post isn't a great option.

那么我们还能做什么呢?
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So what else could we do?

(柔和音乐)
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(subdued music)

即时决选制及其挑战

我们可以说,一个候选人只有获得多数票,即至少50%加一票,才能赢得选举。

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Well, we can say that a candidate can only win an election if they get a majority, at least 50% plus one of the vote.

但是,如果我们举行选举,没有人获得多数票怎么办?
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But what if we hold an election and no one gets a majority?

我们可以找到那些投票给得票最少候选人的人,要求他们重新投票,但选择另一位候选人。
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We could go to the people who voted for the candidate with the fewest votes and ask them to vote again, but choose a different candidate and we could repeat this process over and over eliminating the smallest candidate until one candidate reaches a majority.

我们可以一遍又一遍地重复这个过程,淘汰得票最少的候选人,直到一位候选人获得多数票。
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and we could repeat this process over and over eliminating the smallest candidate until one candidate reaches a majority.

但举行多次选举非常麻烦。
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But holding many elections is a big hassle

所以,我们可以直接要求选民按偏好排序,从最喜欢到最不喜欢。
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so instead we could just ask voters to rank their preferences from their favorite to their least favorite.

如果他们最喜欢的候选人被淘汰,我们就看他们的第二偏好。
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And if their favorite candidate gets eliminated, we go to their second preferences.

投票结束后,统计选民的第一选择。
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When the polls close, you count the voters' first choices.

如果任何候选人获得多数票,那么他们就是赢家。
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If any candidate has a majority of the votes, then they're the winner.

但如果没有候选人获得多数票,得票最少的候选人就会被淘汰,他们的选票会根据这些选民的第二偏好重新分配。
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But if no candidate has a majority, the candidate with the fewest votes gets eliminated and their ballots are distributed to those voters' second preferences,

这个过程会一直持续,直到一位候选人获得多数票。
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and this keeps happening until one candidate has a majority of the votes.

这在数学上与举行重复选举是相同的,只是节省了时间和麻烦,所以被称为**即时决选制**(Instant Runoff: 投票者按偏好排序候选人,若无人获多数票,则淘汰得票最少者,其选票按第二偏好重新分配,直至有人获多数票)。
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This is mathematically identical to holding repeated elections, it just saves the time and hassle so it's referred to as instant runoff,

但该系统也称为**偏好投票**(Preferential Voting: 即时决选制的别称,投票者对候选人进行排序)或**排序选择投票**(Ranked-Choice Voting: 即时决选制的别称,投票者对候选人进行排序)。
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but the system is also known as preferential voting or ranked-choice voting.

即时决选制不仅影响选民,也影响候选人之间的行为。
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An instant runoff doesn't just affect the voters, it affects how the candidates behave towards each other.

那是2013年明尼阿波利斯市长竞选,他们当时使用的是排序选择投票。
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It was the Minneapolis mayor's race, 2013, they were using ranked-choice voting.

在任市长卸任后,许多人突然冒出来想当市长。
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The incumbent mayor had stepped down and there were all of these people came out from the woodwork wanting to be mayor.

有35位候选人。
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There're 35 candidates.

所以你会认为,如果有35位候选人,你会想攻击某人,你会想把自己推到聚光灯下。
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And so you would think if there's 35 candidates you'd want to dunk on someone, you'd wanna like kind of elbow yourself into the spotlight.

但事实并非如此。
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That's not what happened.

这35位候选人,他们都对彼此非常友善。
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These 35 candidates, all of them were really nice to each other.

他们都非常亲切,非常有礼貌,以至于在最后一次市长辩论结束时,他们都聚集在一起唱起了《Kumbaya》。
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They were all super cordial, super polite, to the degree that at the end of the final mayoral debate, they all came together and they sang "Kumbaya" together.

“Kumbaya,我的主,Kumbaya,哦,主,Kumbaya。”
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♪ Kumbaya, my Lord, kumbaya ♪ ♪ Oh, Lord, kumbaya ♪

我们都习惯了那种恶毒、愤怒和党派间的相互攻击,看到这种真正的“Kumbaya”景象。
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The amount of vitriol and anger and partisan, you know, mudslinging that we're all used to, to see this vision of an actual "Kumbaya."

这甚至不是一个玩笑。
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It's not even a joke.

所有这些人都相处融洽,他们都极度渴望获得他人的第二和第三选择,以至于他们都表现得“我要成为最完美的、最友善的候选人”。
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All of these people getting along so desperate for second and third choices from other people that they're like, "I'm gonna be the picture-perfect, kindest candidate possible."

但即时决选制也存在问题。
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But there's also a problem with instant runoff.

在某些情况下,一个候选人表现得更差反而能帮助他们当选。
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There can be cases where a candidate doing worse can actually help get them elected.

假设我们有三位候选人:爱因斯坦(Einstein)、居里(Curie)和玻尔(Bohr)。
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Let's say we have three candidates: Einstein, Curie, and Bohr.

爱因斯坦和玻尔的观点非常冲突,而居里在意识形态上处于中间位置。
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Now, Einstein and Bohr have very conflicting views while Curie is ideologically in the center.

假设爱因斯坦获得25%的选票,居里获得30%,玻尔获得45%。
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So let's say Einstein gets 25% of the vote, Curie gets 30, and Bohr gets 45.

没有人获得多数票。
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No one got a majority.

所以进入第二轮,爱因斯坦被淘汰。
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So it goes to the second round with Einstein being eliminated

由于投票给爱因斯坦的人把居里列为第二选择,居里最终当选。
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and because people who voted for Einstein put down Curie as their second choice, well, Curie ultimately gets elected.

但现在想象一下,玻尔发表了一场糟糕的竞选演说,或者提出了一项非常不受欢迎的政策,糟糕到他的一些选民转而支持爱因斯坦。
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But now imagine that Bohr has a terrible campaign speech or proposes a very unpopular policy so bad that some of his voters actually switch over to Einstein's side.

那么现在被淘汰的是居里。
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Well now it's Curie that gets eliminated

因为她更温和,她一半的选民在第二轮选择了爱因斯坦,另一半选择了玻尔。
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and because she's more moderate, half of her voters select Einstein and the other half select Bohr in the second round,

这导致玻尔获胜。
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and this leads to Bohr winning.

所以玻尔在第一轮表现更差,反而导致他赢得了选举。
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So Bohr doing worse in the first round actually leads to him winning the election.

显然,这不是我们希望在投票系统中看到的情况。
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Clearly, this isn't something that we want in a voting system.

(严肃音乐)
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(serious music)

投票系统的历史与孔多塞悖论

法国数学家孔多塞(Condorcet)也有同样的想法。

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This is what the French mathematician Condorcet also thought.

孔多塞是最早运用逻辑和数学严谨研究投票系统的人之一,使他成为**社会选择理论**(Social Choice Theory: 应用逻辑和数学研究投票系统和集体决策的数学分支)这一数学分支的创始人之一。
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Condorcet was one of the first people applying logic and mathematics to rigorously study voting systems making him one of the founders of a branch of mathematics known as social choice theory.

他活跃于法国大革命时期,因此公平地确定民意在当时是一个重要的文化议题。
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He was working during the time of the French Revolution, so fairly determining the will of the people was having a cultural moment right then.

1784年,孔多塞在**法国皇家科学院**(French Royal Society of Science: 法国历史上的一个重要科学机构)的同事让-夏尔·德·波尔达(Jean-Charles de Borda)提出了一种投票方法。
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In 1784, Condorcet's contemporary at the French Royal Society of Science, Jean-Charles de Borda, proposed a voting method.

你要求选民对候选人进行排序。
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You ask the voters to rank the candidates.

如果有五位候选人,将某人排在第一位会给该候选人四分,排在第二位会给三分,以此类推,最后一名得零分。
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If there are five candidates, ranking someone first gives that candidate four points, ranking them second would give them three, and so on, with zero points being awarded for last place.

但**波尔达计数法**(Borda Count: 投票者对候选人排序,根据排名高低赋予不同分数,总分最高者胜出)存在问题,因为每个候选人获得的分数取决于候选人的总数。
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But the Borda count has a problem because the number of points given to each candidate is dependent on the total number of candidates.

增加一些没有获胜机会的人可能会影响最终的赢家。
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Adding extra people that have no chance of winning can affect the winner.

因此,孔多塞非常讨厌波尔达的想法。
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Because of this, Condorcet hated Borda's idea.

他写道,这“必然导致错误,因为它依赖于不相关的因素进行判断。”
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He wrote that it was "bound to lead to error because it relies on irrelevant factors for its judgments."

因此,在1785年,孔多塞发表了一篇文章,提出了他认为最公平的新投票系统。
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So in 1785, Condorcet published an essay in which he proposed a new voting system, one he thought was the most fair.

(柔和音乐)
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(soft music)

基本上,获胜者需要在与所有其他候选人的两两对决中胜出。
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Basically the winner needs to beat every other candidate in a head-to-head election.

但如果有两位以上的候选人,你需要举行大量的两两对决才能选出赢家吗?
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But with more than two candidates, do you need to hold a large number of head-to-head elections to pick the winner?

不,不必。
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Well, no.

只需像即时决选制那样,要求选民对他们的偏好进行排序,然后统计有多少选民将每个候选人排在其他候选人之上。
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Just ask the voters to rank their preferences just like in instant runoff and then count how many voters rank each candidate higher than each other candidate.

这感觉是最公平的投票方法。
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This feels like the most fair voting method.

这个投票系统实际上在450年前就被拉蒙·柳利(Ramon Llull)发现,他是一位研究教会领袖如何被选出的僧侣。
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This voting system was actually discovered 450 years earlier by Ramon Llull, a monk who was looking at how church leaders were chosen,

但柳利的想法没有产生影响,因为他的书《选举艺术》("Ars eleccionis," the art of elections)失传了,直到2001年才被重新发现。
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but Llull's ideas didn't make an impact because his book, "Ars eleccionis," the art of elections, was lost and only rediscovered in 2001.

所以这个投票系统以孔多塞命名,而不是柳利。
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So the voting system is named after Condorcet and not Llull.

(柔和音乐)
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(gentle music)

但是,这种方式总能产生赢家吗?
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But will there always be a winner in this way?

让我们用**孔多塞方法**(Condorcet's Method: 候选人需在与所有其他候选人的两两对决中胜出才能当选)来为你和两位朋友选择晚餐。
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Let's try Condorcet's method for choosing dinner between you and two friends.

有三个选择:汉堡、披萨或寿司。
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There are three options: burgers, pizza or sushi.

你非常喜欢汉堡,所以这是你的第一偏好,你的第二选择是披萨,你把寿司排在最后。
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You really like burgers, so that's your first preference, your second choice is pizza, and you put sushi last.

你的朋友更喜欢披萨,然后是寿司,最后是汉堡。
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Your friend prefers pizza, then sushi, then burgers,

你的另一位朋友更喜欢寿司,然后是汉堡,最后是披萨。
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and your other friend prefers sushi, then burgers, then pizza.

现在,如果你选择汉堡,可以争辩说寿司应该赢,因为你们中有两个人更喜欢寿司而不是汉堡,而只有一个人更喜欢汉堡而不是寿司。
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Now if you choose burgers, it can be argued that sushi should have won instead since two of you prefer sushi over burgers and only one prefers burgers to sushi.

然而,根据同样的论点,披萨比寿司更受欢迎,而汉堡比披萨更受欢迎,每次都是二比一的优势。
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However, by the same argument, pizza is preferred to sushi and burgers are preferred to pizza by a margin of two-to-one on each occasion.

所以看起来你和你的朋友陷入了一个循环。
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So it seems like you and your friends are stuck in a loop.

汉堡比披萨更受欢迎,披萨比寿司更受欢迎,寿司又比汉堡更受欢迎,如此循环。
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Burgers are preferred to pizza, which is preferred to sushi, which is preferred to burgers and so on.

这种情况被称为**孔多塞悖论**(Condorcet's Paradox: 在集体决策中,即使每个个体偏好都是理性的,集体偏好仍可能出现循环,导致没有明确的胜者)。
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This situation is known as Condorcet's paradox.

孔多塞在他解决这个投票系统问题之前就去世了。
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Condorcet died before he could resolve this problem with his voting system.

他在法国大革命期间积极参与政治,起草了法国宪法。
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He was politically active during the French Revolution writing a draft of France's constitution.

1793年,在“恐怖统治”时期,当**山岳派**(La Montagne: 法国大革命时期的一个激进政治派别)掌权时,他因批评该政权,特别是他们的新宪法,而被视为叛徒。
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In 1793 during the Reign of Terror when La Montagne came to power, he was deemed a traitor for criticizing the regime, specifically their new constitution.

次年,他被捕并在狱中去世。
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In the next year, he was arrested and died in jail.

(柔和音乐)
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(gentle music)

在接下来的150年里,数十位数学家提出了他们自己的投票系统,或者对孔多塞或波尔达的想法进行了修改。
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Over the next 150 years, dozens of mathematicians were proposing their own voting systems or modifications to Condorcet's or Borda's ideas.

其中一位数学家是查尔斯·道奇森(Charles Dodgson),他更广为人知的名字是刘易斯·卡罗尔(Lewis Carroll)。
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One of those mathematicians was Charles Dodgson, better known as Lewis Carroll.

当他没有在写《爱丽丝梦游仙境》("Alice in Wonderland")时,他正在努力寻找一个举行公平选举的系统。
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When he wasn't writing "Alice in Wonderland," he was trying to find a system to hold fair elections.

但每个投票系统都有类似的问题,你要么会遇到孔多塞循环,要么其他没有获胜机会的候选人会影响选举结果。
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But every voting system had similar kinds of problems, You'd either get Condorcet loops or other candidates that had no chance of winning would affect the outcome of the election.

(活泼的爵士乐)
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(lively jazz music)

阿罗不可能定理

1951年,肯尼斯·阿罗(Kenneth Arrow)发表了他的博士论文,其中他概述了一个理性投票系统应该具备的五个非常明显且合理的条件。

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In 1951, Kenneth Arrow published his PhD thesis and in it he outlined five very obvious and reasonable conditions that a rational voting system should have.

条件一:如果群体中每个人都偏好一个选项而非另一个,那么结果应该反映这一点。
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Condition number one: if everyone in the group chooses one option over another, the outcome should reflect that.

如果群体中每个人都更喜欢寿司而不是披萨,那么整个群体也应该更喜欢寿司而不是披萨。
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If every individual in the group prefers to eat sushi over pizza, then the group as a whole should prefer sushi over pizza.

这被称为**一致性**(Unanimity: 如果群体中每个人都偏好一个选项而非另一个,那么群体整体也应如此偏好)。
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This is known as unanimity.

条件二:任何单一投票者的偏好都不能凌驾于其他所有人的偏好之上。
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Condition two: no single person's vote should override the preferences of everyone else.

如果除了一个人投票给寿司外,所有人都投票给披萨,那么群体显然应该选择披萨。
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If everyone votes for pizza except one person who votes for sushi, the group should obviously choose pizza.

如果单一投票具有决定性,那不是民主,那是**独裁**(dictatorship: 一人或少数人掌握绝对权力)。
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If a single vote is decisive, that's not a democracy, that's a dictatorship.

条件三:每个人都应该能够按照自己的意愿投票,并且投票系统必须每次都根据所有选票为社会得出结论。
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Condition three: everyone should be able to vote however they want and the voting system must produce a conclusion for society based on all the ballots, every time.

它不能通过简单地忽略或随机猜测来避免有问题的选票或候选人,它必须每次都为同一组选票得出相同的答案。
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It can't avoid problematic ballots or candidates by simply ignoring them or just guessing randomly, it must reach the same answer for the same set of ballots every time.

这被称为**无限制域**(Unrestricted Domain: 投票系统必须能处理所有可能的投票偏好,并每次都得出结论)。
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This is called unrestricted domain.

条件四:投票系统应该是**传递性**的(Transitivity: 如果群体偏好A胜于B,且偏好B胜于C,那么群体也应偏好A胜于C)。
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Condition four: the voting system should be transitive.

如果一个群体偏好汉堡胜于披萨,并且偏好披萨胜于寿司,那么他们也应该偏好汉堡胜于寿司。
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If a group prefers burgers over pizza and pizza over sushi, then they should also prefer burgers over sushi.

这被称为传递性。
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This is known as transitivity.

条件五:如果群体对寿司的偏好胜于披萨,那么引入另一个选项,比如汉堡,不应该改变这种偏好。
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Condition five: if the preference of the group is sushi over pizza, the introduction of another option, like burgers, should not change that preference.

当然,群体可能会集体将汉堡排在两者之上,或中间,或底部,但寿司对披萨的排名不应该受新选项的影响。
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Sure, the group might collectively rank burgers above both or in the middle or at the bottom, but the ranking of sushi over pizza should not be affected by the new option.

这被称为**无关备选方案的独立性**(Independence of Irrelevant Alternatives: 群体对两个选项的偏好不应因引入或移除其他无关选项而改变)。
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This is called the independence of irrelevant alternatives.

但问题是,阿罗证明了在有三个或更多候选人的排序投票系统中,同时满足所有这五个条件是不可能的。
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But here's the thing, Arrow proved that satisfying all five of these conditions in a ranked voting system with three or more candidates is impossible.

这就是**阿罗不可能定理**(Arrow's Impossibility Theorem: 在三个或更多候选人时,任何排序投票系统都无法同时满足一系列合理条件,如一致性、非独裁性、无限制域、传递性和无关备选方案的独立性),它具有如此开创性的意义,以至于阿罗在1972年获得了诺贝尔经济学奖。
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This is Arrow's Impossibility Theorem, and it was so groundbreaking that Arrow was awarded the Nobel Prize in Economics in 1972.

所以我想通过盖纳科普洛斯(Geanakoplos)提出的一个版本来阐述他的证明。
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So I wanna go through a version of his proof based on a formulation by Geanakoplos.

假设有三位候选人参选:亚里士多德(Aristotle)、玻尔(Bohr)和居里(Curie),我们称他们为A、B和C。
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So let's say there are three candidates running for election: Aristotle, Bohr, and Curie, but we'll refer to them as A, B, and C,

我们有一群选民,我们将他们按顺序排列。
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and we have a collection of voters that we'll line up in order.

所以我们有选民1、2、3,一直到N。
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So we have voter 1, 2, 3, and so on all the way up to N.

这些选民中的每个人都可以随意排列A、B和C的顺序。
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Each of these voters is free to rank A, B and C however they like.

我甚至允许平局。
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I'll even allow ties.

我们首先要证明的是,如果群体中每个人都将某个特定候选人排在第一位或最后一位,那么整个社会也必须将该候选人排在第一位或最后一位。
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And the first we wanna show is that if everyone ranks a particular candidate first or last, then society as a whole must also rank that candidate first or last.

让我们任意选择候选人B。
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Let's arbitrarily pick candidate B.

如果说一半的选民将B排在第一位,一半排在最后一位,那么我们的投票系统必须将B排在第一位或最后一位,我们将通过反证法来证明。
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If say half of the voters rank B first and half rank B last, then the claim is our voting system must put B either first or last and we'll prove it by contradiction.

假设这是所有人的投票方式。
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So say this is how everyone voted.

如果我们的系统没有将B排在第一位或最后一位,而是排在中间,比如A排在B之上,B排在C之上,那么我们就会得到一个矛盾。
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If our system does not put B first or last, but rather in the middle, say A is ranked above B, which is above C, then we'll get a contradiction.

因为如果我们的每个选民都将C移到A之上,那么根据一致性,C必须排在A之上。
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Because if each of our voters moved C above A, then by unanimity, C must be ranked above A.

然而,因为我们没有改变A相对于B的任何位置,A仍然必须排在B之上。
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However, because we didn't change the position of any A relative to B, A must still be ranked above B

又因为我们没有改变C相对于B的任何位置,C仍然必须排在B之下。
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and because we didn't change the position of any C relative to B, C must still be ranked below B,

根据传递性,如果A优于B,B优于C,那么A必须优于C。
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and by transitivity, if A is preferred to B and B is preferred to C, then A must be ranked above C.

但这与一致性的结果相矛盾,这证明了如果每个人都将一个候选人排在第一位或最后一位,那么社会也必须将他们排在第一位或最后一位。
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But this contradicts the result by unanimity and that proves that if everyone ranks a candidate first or last, then society must also rank them first or last.

现在让我们做一个思想实验,每个选民都将B排在他们排名的最底部,我们将A和C的排名任意放置。
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Now let's do a thought experiment where every voter puts B at the bottom of their ranking, we'll leave the ranking of A and C arbitrary.

那么,根据一致性,我们知道B必须在社会排名的最底部,我们将这种设置称为“情景0”。
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Well then, by unanimity, we know that B must be at the bottom of society's ranking and we'll call this setup Profile 0.

现在我们将创建“情景1”,它与“情景0”相同,只是第一个选民将B从底部移到顶部。
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Now we'll create Profile 1 which is identical to Profile 0 except the first voter moves B from the bottom to the top.

这当然不会影响结果,但我们可以继续这样做,创建“情景2”、“情景3”、“情景4”等等,每次都多一个选民将B从底部翻转到顶部。
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This, of course, doesn't affect the outcome, but we can keep doing this creating Profiles 2, 3, 4, and so on with one more voter flipping B from the bottom to the top each time.

如果我们继续这样做,最终会出现一个选民,他将B从底部移到顶部的改变,将首次翻转社会的排名,使B移到顶部。
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If we keep doing this, there will eventually come a voter whose change from having B at the bottom to B at the top will first flip society's ranking, moving B to the top.

我们称这个选民为“关键选民”,并将这个情景标记为p。
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Let's call this voter the pivotal voter and we'll label the Profile p.

情景o是关键变化发生之前的情景。
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Profile o is then the profile right before the pivotal change happens.

现在让我们创建一个情景q,它与p相同,只是关键选民将A移到B之上。
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Let's now create a Profile q, which is the same as p, except the pivotal voter moves A above B.

根据无关备选方案的独立性,社会排名也必须将A排在B之上。
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By independence of irrelevant alternatives, the social rank must also put A above B.

因为对于我们所有的选民来说,A和B的相对位置与情景o中相同。
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Since for all of our voters, the relative position of A and B is the same as it was in Profile o,

而且B必须排在C之上,因为B和C的相对位置与情景p中相同,在情景p中,我们的关键选民将B移到了顶部。
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and B must be ranked above C because the relative positions of B and C are the same as they were in Profile p, where our pivotal voter moved B to the top.

根据传递性,A在社会排名中必须排在C之上。
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By transitivity A must be ranked above C in the social ranking.

无论任何非关键选民如何重新排列A和C的位置,这都是成立的,因为这些重新排列不会改变A相对于B或C相对于B的位置。
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This is true regardless of how any of the non-pivotal voters rearrange their positions of A and C, because these rearrangements don't change the position of A relative to B or C relative to B.

这意味着关键选民实际上是决定社会对A优于C偏好的**独裁者**。
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This means the pivotal voter is actually a dictator for determining society's preference of A over C.

无论其他选民做什么,社会排名总是会与关键选民的偏好一致。
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The social rank will always agree with the pivotal voter regardless of what the other voters do.

我们可以进行一个类似的思想实验,将C排在底部,并证明同样存在一个独裁者,在这种情况下,他决定了社会对A优于B的偏好。
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We can run a similar thought experiment where we put C at the bottom and prove that there is again, a dictator, who in this case determines the social preference of A over B.

结果表明,这个选民与决定社会对A优于C偏好的选民是同一个人。
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And it turns out this voter is the same one who determines the social preference for A over C.

因此,关键选民是一个完全的独裁者。
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The pivotal voter is therefore a complete dictator.

(黑暗音乐)
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(dark music)

民主的希望:中间选民定理与评分投票系统

那么,民主注定要失败吗?

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So is democracy doomed?

阿罗不可能定理似乎是这么说的。
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Well, Arrow's impossibility theorem seems to say so.

如果候选人有三个或更多,就没有一种排序选择方法能够理性地汇总选民偏好。
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If there are three or more candidates to choose from, there is no ranked-choice method to rationally aggregate voter preferences.

你总是需要放弃一些东西。
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You always need to give something up.

(充满希望的音乐)
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(hopeful music)

但数学家邓肯·布莱克(Duncan Black)发现了一个更乐观的定理,它可能更能代表现实。
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But the mathematician, Duncan Black, found a much more optimistic theorem which might actually represent reality better.

如果选民和候选人自然地分布在一个单一维度上,比如从左翼的自由派到右翼的保守派,但这也可以应用于任何其他政治维度。
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If voters and candidates are naturally spread along a single dimension, say ranging from liberal on the left to conservative on the right, but this could apply to any other political dimension.

那么布莱克表明,**中间选民**(Median Voter: 在一维政治光谱上,其偏好位于所有选民偏好中点位置的选民)的偏好将反映多数人的决定。
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Well, then Black showed that the preference of the median voter will reflect the majority decision.

中间选民的选择通常会决定选举结果,这个结果与大多数选民的偏好一致,避免了阿罗所强调的悖论和不一致。
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The median voter's choice will often determine the outcome of the election, a result that aligns with the majority of voters, avoiding the paradoxes and inconsistencies highlighted by Arrow.

还有更多好消息。
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And there's more good news.

阿罗不可能定理仅适用于**序数投票系统**(Ordinal Voting Systems: 投票者对候选人进行排序的投票系统),即选民对候选人进行排序的系统。
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Arrow's Impossibility Theorem only applies to ordinal voting systems, ones in which the voters rank candidates over others.

还有另一种方式:**评分投票系统**(Rated Voting Systems: 投票者对候选人进行评分而非排序的投票系统)。
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There is another way: rated voting systems.

最简单的版本是**赞同投票**(Approval Voting: 评分投票系统的一种,投票者只需勾选他们赞同的候选人),选民不是对候选人进行排序,而是勾选他们赞同的候选人。
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The simplest version is known as approval voting where instead of ranking the candidates, the voters just tick the candidates they approve of.

还有一些版本,你可以表明你对每个候选人的喜爱程度,比如从-10(强烈不赞同)到+10(强烈赞同)。
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There are also versions where you could indicate how strongly you like each candidate, say from -10, strongly disapprove of, to +10, strongly approve.

研究发现,赞同投票可以提高选民投票率,减少负面竞选活动,并防止搅局者效应。
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Research has found that approval voting increases voter turnout, decreases negative campaigning and prevents the spoiler effect.

选民可以表达他们对候选人的赞同,而不必担心他们投票的政党规模。
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Voters could express their approval for a candidate without worrying about the size of the party they're voting for.

它也易于统计,只需计算每个候选人获得多少百分比的选民赞同,赞同率最高的候选人获胜。
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It's also simple to tally, just count up what percentage of the voters approve of each candidate and the one with the highest approval wins.

肯尼斯·阿罗最初对评分投票系统持怀疑态度,但在他生命的后期,他同意它们可能是最好的方法。
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Kenneth Arrow was initially skeptical of rated-voting systems, but toward the end of his life, he agreed that they were likely the best method.

赞同投票并非新事物。
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Approval voting is not new.

1294年至1621年间,**梵蒂冈**(Vatican: 罗马教廷所在地)的牧师曾用它来选举教皇。
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It was used by priests in the Vatican to elect the Pope between 1294 and 1621.

它也被用于选举**联合国**(United Nations: 国际组织)秘书长,但尚未在大型选举中广泛使用。
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It's also used to elect the Secretary General of the United Nations, but it hasn't been widely used in large-scale elections.

因此,可能需要更多的实际测试。
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And so more real-world testing is likely required.

(柔和音乐)
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(mellow music)

结论:民主虽不完美,但仍是最佳选择

那么,民主在数学上是不可能的吗?

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So is democracy mathematically impossible?

是的,如果我们使用排序选择投票方法,而世界上大多数国家都用这种方法选举领导人。
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Well, yes, if we use ranked choice methods of voting, which is what most countries in the world use to elect their leaders.

有些方法在汇总人民偏好方面显然比其他方法更好,鉴于简单多数制的所有缺陷,其使用坦率地说让我觉得很荒谬。
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And some methods are clearly better at aggregating the people's preferences than others, the use of first past the post voting feels quite frankly ridiculous to me, given all of its flaws.

但仅仅因为事情不完美,并不意味着我们不应该尝试。
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But just because things aren't perfect doesn't mean we shouldn't try.

对我们周围的世界感兴趣,关心问题,并积极参与政治是很重要的。
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Being interested in the world around us, caring about issues, and being politically engaged is important.

这可能是我们能在世界上做出真正改变的少数方式之一。
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It might be one of the few ways we can make a real difference in the world.

正如温斯顿·丘吉尔(Winston Churchill)所说:“民主是最糟糕的政府形式,除了所有其他尝试过的形式。”
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Like Winston Churchill said, "Democracy is the worst form of government except for all the other forms that have been tried."

民主并不完美,但它是我们所拥有的最好的东西。
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Democracy is not perfect, but it's the best thing we've got.

这场游戏可能不公平,但它是唯一的选择。
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The game might be crooked, but it's the only game in town.

(静电嗡嗡声和呜咽声)
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(static buzzes and whines)

赞助商鸣谢

世界正在变化。

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The world is changing.

它今天的运作方式并不能保证它明天也会如此,从我们如何选举总统到我们如何开展工作。
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How it works today is no guarantee of how it'll work tomorrow from how we elect presidents to how we do our jobs.

幸运的是,有一个简单的方法可以为未来做好准备,那就是每天扩展一点你的知识和批判性思维能力。
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Luckily, there's an easy way to be ready for whatever the future holds by expanding your knowledge and critical thinking skills a little bit every day.

你现在就可以免费开始这样做,感谢今天的赞助商:Brilliant。
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And you can get started doing that right now for free with today's sponsor: Brilliant.

Brilliant将让你成为一个更好的思考者和问题解决者,同时帮助你在数学和数据分析到编程和人工智能等各个领域建立真正的技能,无论你好奇什么。
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Brilliant will make you a better thinker and problem solver while helping you build real skills in everything from math and data analysis to programming and AI, whatever it is that you're curious about.

在Brilliant上,你将通过亲自动手尝试来学习,你不仅会获得关键概念的知识,还会学会将它们应用于现实世界的情况。
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On Brilliant you'll learn through discovery by trying things out for yourself, and you'll not only gain knowledge of key concepts, you'll learn to apply them to real-world situations.

每天学习一点是你所能做的最重要的事情之一,而Brilliant是实现这一目标的完美方式,它提供了数千个只需几分钟的短小课程。
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Learning a little every day is one of the most important things you can do, and Brilliant is the perfect way to do it with thousands of bite-sized lessons that take just minutes.

现在,为这个视频思考选举问题让我重新回顾了他们关于概率和统计学的一些课程。
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Now, thinking about elections for this video led me to revisit some of their courses on probability and statistics.

它们是学习如何使用数据进行预测的绝佳入门途径。
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They're a great on-ramp to learning how we use data to make predictions.

此外,它们让你亲身体验真实数据,甚至可以让你运行模拟,比如预测谁将赢得世界杯。
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Plus, they get you hands-on with real data and even let you run simulations for things like who will win the World Cup.

Brilliant最棒的部分是你可以随时随地在手机上学习。
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And the best part about Brilliant is you can learn from anywhere right on your phone.

所以,只要你有几分钟时间,你就可以建立一个更敏捷、更敏锐的思维。
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So whenever you have a few minutes, you can be building a quicker, sharper mind.

要免费试用Brilliant提供的所有内容30天,请访问brilliant.org/veritasium,或扫描此二维码,或点击描述中的链接。
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To try everything Brilliant has to offer for free for 30 days, visit brilliant.org/veritasium or scan this QR code or click that link down in the description.

你还将获得年度高级订阅20%的折扣。
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You will also get 20% off an annual Premium subscription.

所以我要感谢Brilliant对本节目的支持,也要感谢你的观看。
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So I want to thank Brilliant for supporting the show and I want to thank you for watching.

📌 文中提及的人物和组织

关键字: code ranked-choice-voting science system technology