美国电力市场面临AI需求激增:电价上涨、监管困境与未来挑战 Bloomberg Podcasts 2025-12-01

美国电力市场的复杂性与AI挑战

大家好,欢迎收听《OddLots》播客的又一期节目。我是乔·魏森塔尔。我是特蕾西·阿洛韦。特蕾西,我们已经很久没有做关于电网的节目了。乔,说实话,我一直刻意回避这个话题。我真的觉得这个特定的市场问题很难谈论,因为它不可能用宽泛的术语来讨论。我知道在《OddLots》上,我们通常会避免这样做,但即使是一小时的播客,甚至多期节目,我们也可以为美国的每个电力市场做一期节目,但仍然只能触及皮毛。例如,你必须谈论受管制垄断(Regulated Monopolies: 政府设定价格和服务的单一供应商)与竞争性市场(Competitive Markets: 多个供应商通过竞争决定价格和服务的市场),然后你必须谈论什么是独立系统运营商(Independent System Operator - ISO: 负责协调电力传输和批发市场运作的实体),以及德克萨斯州的情况——那又是另一个完全不同的问题了。

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Hello and welcome to another episode of the OddLots podcast. I'm Joe Weisenthal. And I'm Tracy Aloway. Tracy, it's been too long since we've done an electricity grid episode. I've been avoiding it on purpose, Joe. In all honesty, I really find this particular market issue a difficult one to talk about because it's impossible to talk about it in broad terms. On OddLots, we try to avoid doing that generally, but even in an hour-long podcast, even with multiple episodes, we could do an episode for each electricity market in the United States and still only scratch the surface. For example, you have to talk about regulated monopolies versus competitive markets, and then you have to talk about what an independent system operator is, and what Texas is – that's a whole other issue.

德克萨斯州是什么?德克萨斯州是什么?德克萨斯州是什么?(笑声)德克萨斯州本身就可以成为一期节目。但没错,你向电网专家提问,他们首先会问:“等等,你是在谈论竞争性市场还是受管制市场?”

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What is Texas? What is Texas? What is Texas? [laughter] What is Texas would be its own episode. But yeah, that's right. You ask a question to a grid expert and their first thing and they're like wait are you talking about a competitive market or regulated market here?

是计量基础还是非计量基础,我不知道。是的,表后等等。但无论如何,显然,我们最近邀请的哈德逊河交易公司的伊恩·邓宁(Ian Dunning)谈到,他们的主要制约因素是电力,而这在宏观层面只是人工智能服务的一个非常小的用户。我们当时在讨论人工智能在高频交易中的应用,他说,甚至比芯片更重要的是,电力制约是他们目前最大的制约。因此,我确实认为我们需要思考的一件事是,如果人工智能的繁荣能够持续多久,那么如何将所有这些人工智能活动接入电网?电网的制约程度如何?

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Metered basis or unmetered or I don't know. Uh yeah, behind the meter etc. Yeah. But anyway, obviously with the sort of Ian Dunning who we recently had Hudson River Trading, he was talking about how you know their main constraint is power and that's just a small a very small in the grand scheme of things user of AI services. We were talking about using AI and high frequency trading and he said even more than chips that the power constraints are their biggest constraints right now. And so I do think that one thing we have to think about is if especially how long can this AI boom go on is what's it going to take to get all of this AI activity on the grid like how constrained is it?

没错。我们还和萨格尔(Sager)和杰蒂(Jetty)录制了那一期节目,当时我们正在讨论围绕人工智能的政治争议,显然,电力消耗是其中一个大问题,尤其是在电价已经上涨的时候。人工智能只会进一步推高电价吗?尽管如此,你甚至不能说电价一直在上涨,因为在某些州,经过通货膨胀调整后,电价实际上一直在下降。所以即使是这一点,情况也错综复杂。

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That's right. And we also recorded that episode with Sager and Jetty and we were talking about the political controversies surrounding AI and obviously power consumption is a big one of those at a time when electricity prices have already been rising. Is AI only going to drive them up further? Although that said, you can't even say that electricity prices have been rising because in certain states they've actually been going down on an inflation adjusted basis. So even that is a nuanced picture.

但总的来说,特别是自疫情以来,我们确实看到了电价通胀的增长速度快于正常水平,而且我们面临着巨大的人工智能问题。所以我们真的必须弄清楚:所有这些新的数据中心容量将如何进入市场?谁来提供发电?然后谁来承担这些成本?是那些在多个市场中普遍看到电费上涨的消费者吗?

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But by and large, especially since the pandemic really by and large we have seen faster than normal increase in electricity price inflation and we have the big AI question. So we really have to figure out a how is all of this new data center capacity going to come onto the market who's going to supply the generation and then who is going to bear that cost. Is it going to be the consumers who are already generally speaking across several markets seeing their bills go up?

如果我们要讨论这个像橡皮筋球一样复杂的市场,那么我很高兴我们至少有最完美的嘉宾来做这件事。我只想说这么多。我们确实有最完美的嘉宾。非常高兴地宣布,我们将与特拉维斯·卡武拉(Travis Kavulla)对话,我们一直想邀请他来播客。他是NRG能源公司(NRG Energy)的监管副总裁。他还曾在蒙大拿州的公共委员会任职,因此他了解该业务中受管制垄断市场如何定价的一面。他也是一位学者。特拉维斯,非常感谢你来到《OddLots》。

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If we have to talk about this rubber band ball market then I'm glad we at least have the perfect guest to do it. That's all I'm going to say. We do in fact have the perfect guest. Very excited to say we're going to be speaking uh with someone been trying to get on the podcast for a little while, Travis Kavula. He is a VP of regulation at NRG Energy. He's also been on a public commission in Montana, so he knows that side of the business in terms of how prices are set in those regulated monopoly markets. He's also an academic. Travis, thank you so much for coming on OddLots.

很高兴来到这里。谢谢。我们对这一期节目非常兴奋,因为有很多问题。我们为什么要和你谈话?你能不能简单介绍一下你的工作和背景,以便我们的听众了解你为什么是完美的嘉宾?

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It's great to be here. Thank you. We're really excited about this one because there are so many questions. Why are we talking to you? Why don't you give us the sort of brief intro of what you do and what your background is so that our audience has some idea of why you're the perfect guest?

当然。我在NRG公司负责监管事务。我们是一家大型电力生产商。在法律允许、电力和天然气市场存在竞争的地方,我们向终端客户销售电力。所以,我们有大约800万终端客户。此前,我曾担任蒙大拿州公共服务委员会的主席,该委员会是该州受管制公用事业的费率设定机构(Rate Setting Body: 负责确定公用事业公司向消费者收取服务费用的政府机构)。我曾领导一个在国家层面代表州公用事业委员会的组织,名为NEOUK。我还在芝加哥大学哈里斯公共政策学院(University of Chicago's Harris School of Public Policy)兼职教授一门关于公用事业监管和电力市场的课程。所以我花了很多时间思考客户电费账单的构成。这包括我们作为供应商可以控制的部分,以及作为销货成本上游成本出现在我们公司账单上的部分。还有那些出现在人们账单上的电线杆和电线费用。所以基本上,人们的账单有两部分:商品成本和将商品输送给你的受管制电网费用。这两部分在这个行业都受到某种形式的监管。

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Sure. So, I spend my time on regulatory affairs at a company NRG. We're a big producer of power. We sell power to enduse customers where that's permitted by law where competition exists in the power and gas markets. So, we've got about 8 million enduse customers. And previously I was the head of the Montana Public Service Commission, the rate setting body for regulated utilities in the state. I headed up an organization that represents state utility commissions at the national level called NEOUK. And I teach a little bit on the side at University of Chicago's Harris School of Public Policy, a course on utility regulation and electricity markets. So I spend my time thinking a lot about what goes into customer bills. Both the stuff that we can control being a company that is a provider and also stuff that are sort of upstream costs of goods sold that that appear on my company's bills. The sort of poles and wires charges that go in into people's bills. So ba basically, you know, there's two parts of people's bills. The commodity and the regulated grid charges that get the commodity to you. And both of those are subject to some form of regulation in this industry.

是的,特蕾西,我们最近在芝加哥录制一期现场节目时,我遇到了特拉维斯的一位学生,他说:“你一定要和特拉维斯谈谈。特拉维斯是能解释所有这些事情的人。”所以很高兴我们终于实现了。

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Yeah, Tracy, when we were in Chicago recently for a live episode, I met one of Travis's students there and he's like, "You got to talk to Travis. Travis is the man that will explain all these things." So glad we're finally making this happen.

我很高兴在学生中评价很高。(笑声)这很重要。

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I'm glad I have a high rating for from [laughter] the students. That's important.

来自“给我的教授打分”网站。没错。好的。所以,特拉维斯,没有压力。好的,你刚才谈到了通过电线杆和电线传输的商品的批发成本,以及实际的输电系统。每当这个话题出现时,我们听到的一件事是,这不一定是关于电力的批发成本,而是关于实际维护和扩建电网的成本。这有多少真实性?如果你要指出目前电价上涨的主导因素,是批发价格还是实际的输电成本?

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From rate my professor. That's right. Okay. So, no pressure, Travis. All right. So you were talking about the wholesale cost of the thing that goes across the wires and the poles and all of that. So that's electricity versus the actual transmission system. One thing that we hear whenever this topic comes up is it's not necessarily about the wholesale cost of electricity. It's the cost of actually maintaining and expanding the grid. How much truth is there to that? If you're going to pinpoint the dominant factor behind higher electricity prices right now, is it the wholesale price or the actual trans cost of transmission?

电价上涨的幕后推手:输电成本飙升

是的,这取决于你选择评估的时间范围。但你知道,为了给你一个基准,如果你看看过去20年新英格兰电力市场,这大约是行业重组和新英格兰引入竞争的起点,实际的商品成本在经通胀调整后会下降约50%。而同期,输电成本则增加了约900%。虽然是从一个非常低的水平增加到一个更可观的水平,但如果你在另一个市场,比如中大西洋地区,在更短的时间内,比如同比进行比较,电网成本在一年内不会大幅上涨,但电价会上涨。这仅仅是因为商品更多地受制于供需平衡的基本原理。你知道,稀缺性会相对迅速地推高价格,而当市场回归均衡时出现的供过于求则会迅速压低价格。然而,那些附属于输配电系统的受管制成本,你知道,它们仍然是成本加成受管制的行业,并且它们有一种奇怪的单向上涨趋势。但这两者是相互制约的。你知道,你需要投资输电以促进电力的有效输送。你需要投资它以开放区域,实现低成本可再生能源生产。所以它们确实有互动效应,但它们的监管方式非常不同。这两者都会最终体现在消费者的账单上。

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Yeah, it's kind of the scope of time that you choose to evaluate, but you know, just to give you kind of a benchmarking, you know, if you looked at say the New England power market over the last 20 years, which sort of is the beginning point of the in the restructuring of the industry and the introdu introduction of competition in a place like New England, the actual commodity cost would have fallen by about 50% on an inflation adjusted basis. Whereas on the same basis transmission costs would have increased something like 900%. Now from a very low level to a much more substantial level but then if you drew that comparison in another market say the Mid-Atlantic over a shorter period of time like year-over-year you know the grid costs would not have risen substantially in a year but power prices would have and that's really just because the commodity works on more fundamental kind of supply and demand balance. You know, scarcity will drive up prices relatively rapidly and then an over supply that occurs when the market is moving back toward equilibrium will drive prices down rapidly. Whereas those regulated set of costs that attach to the transmission and distribution systems, you know, those are still cost plus regulated industries and they have a funny way of working monirectionally up over the course of time. But these two things trade up trade off against one another. You know, you need to invest in transmission in order to facilitate the efficient delivery of electricity. You need to invest in it in order to open up regions for lowcost renewable energy production. So, they do have an interactive effect, but they're regulated in a very different way. And both of those land on consumers bills.

我认为最简单的理解方式是,消费者在某种意义上,也许是由于受管制费用,就像谚语中的青蛙在逐渐加热的水中一样。然后当你最终进入一个商品超级周期时,人们会觉得:“哇,有人突然把锅里的火调大了。”但这两种因素都在起作用,它们需要不同的结构性方法来应对。

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I I think the easiest way to understand this is that, you know, consumers in a sense had maybe been as a result of the regulated charges the proverbial frog and gradually warming water. And then when you finally enter a commodity super cycle, people can have the sense that, oh wow, someone just ratcheted up the heat on this pot. But both of those are contributing factors and they require sort of different structural approaches in order to reckon with them.

乔,这是我谈论美国电价和电力系统时一直以来的沮丧之处,那就是你不能泛泛而谈,对吧?不同的实体有不同类型的规定。基本上每个州都有不同的规定。有新英格兰系统,然后是西海岸,然后是德克萨斯州,它是一个特殊的实体。你必须孤立地谈论每一个市场,这即使在一小时的播客中也很困难。所以这将是整个对话中的一个警告。

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Joe, this is my perennial frustration talking about electricity prices and the electricity system in the US, which is you cannot talk in generalities, right? There are different types of regulations for different entities. There are different regulations for each state basically. There's, you know, the New England system, then there's the West Coast, and then there's Texas, which is its own special entity. You kind of have to talk about every single market in isolation, which is difficult even on a hourong podcast. So that's going to be the caveat throughout this conversation. I think

这是特有的。这很有趣,因为与此同时,这个行业引入了重组和竞争,电信行业也发生了类似的事情。电信行业在同一时间进行了大幅度的放松管制和联邦化。然而,各州被允许就电力部门做出自己的决定。结果,你真的看到了州和联邦法规以及不同行业模式的巨大拼凑。这是真的。

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It's idiosyncratic. And it's funny because at the same time restructuring and competition was introduced into this industry, it was also occurring in things like telecom. Telecom, you know, was substantially deregulated and federalized at the same time. States, however, were left to make their own decisions about the power sector. And as a result, you really have a huge patchwork quilt of state and federal regulation and different industry models. It's true.

我还有一个非常基本的问题。我想,当我们谈论电力行业的竞争时,我们到底在谈论什么?你知道,我无法选择接入哪根电线。我只有一个公用事业公司可以选择。有时街上会有人说:“哦,请签署,你会签署清洁电力之类的东西吗?”他们试图让我做一些事情,但我真的不明白它是如何运作的,因为我不明白电子是如何被输送到任何人的家里的。所以我对此总是非常怀疑。当人们谈论竞争性市场时,我们谈论的是什么?

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I have a really another really rudimentary question, I guess. What are we even talking about when we talk about competition in electricity? You know, I don't get to choose which wire I get into. there's one utility I have the option from. Sometimes there are these people on the street and they're like, "Oh, sign, will you sign up for clean power or something like that and they try to get me to do stuff, but I don't really understand how that works because I don't understand how electrons can be directed to anyone's home." So, I'm always very skeptical of that. What do we talk about when people talk about a competitive market?

电力市场重构:从垄断到竞争的演变

是的。所以,把电力系统想象成一个链条。上游是发电商,然后是高压输电系统。它连接到一个变电站,将电压降低到较低的水平。这就是我们所说的配电系统。然后你家外面挂着一个电表,过了那个电表,你就是电力的消费者。最上游的发电和最下游的零售在一些州已经向竞争开放。我认为这对于发电来说是相当直观的。发电厂由私人投资者拥有,他们对其进行投资。这些发电厂在电力拍卖中相互竞争,并将电力出售给批发承购商。其中一些承购商随后成为电力的零售商,他们购买上游的商品供应,然后使用受管制的电线杆和电线,并支付受管制的费率,将这种商品输送到你的家中。因此,作为竞争市场中潜在的零售客户,你所体验到的价值主张的一部分是你的产品选择。

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Yeah. So, think of the electricity system as sort of a chain of links. Upstream you've got the power generators and then after that you've got the high voltage transmission system. It patches into a substation that steps down the voltage to a lower level. That's what we would call the distribution system. And then there's a meter hanging on the side of your home and beyond that meter you are the consumer of electricity. The most upstream the generation and the most downstream retailing have been opened in some states to competition. And I think it's fairly intuitive what that means for generation. Power plants are owned by private investors who make investments in them. Those power plants compete against one another in auctions for electricity and sell their power to wholesale offtakers. Some of those offtakers then are the retailers of electricity who sort of buy an upstream supply of goods and then use the regulated poles and wires and pay regulated rates to deliver that commodity to you at your home. So some of the value proposition of what you're experiencing as a potential retail customer in a competitive market is your product selection.

举个例子,去年一家零售商向我推销了一份为期五年的固定电价合同。我买了。我锁定了费率。结果,我免受了上游批发市场波动的变化。这通常是竞争性零售的价值主张。然而,在德克萨斯州等地,你还会看到产品差异化,这与电信和数据竞争有异曲同工之妙。比如,作为你的零售电力供应服务的一部分,会有更多的应用程序。人们会向你销售智能恒温器或家用电池,这些可以打包到你的零售电力供应计划中,以便卖回电网,帮助管理你的上游成本以稳定价格。但这就是这个领域的竞争范式。它是一个中间受管制的系统,边缘存在竞争。

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I mean, to give an example, a retailer came to me and marketed me a 5-year fixed price for electricity last year. I bought it. I locked in a rate. I'm insulated from upstream, you know, changes in wholesale market volatility as a result. That's generally the value proposition of competitive retail. Though, in places like Texas, you're also seeing product differentiation that has a ring of telecommunications and data competition. sort of like more apps as part of your retail electric supply service. People selling you smart thermostats or residential batteries that can be packaged onto your retail electricity supply plan to sell back to the grid, help manage your costs upstream to stabilize pricing. But that's the paradigm of competition in this space. It's a regulated system in the middle with competition on the edges.

我们能倒退一下,回到那个大规模的市场重组吗?因为我感觉这会帮助我们理解当前的状况。但是,我们当时试图解决的问题是什么?你知道,人们的记忆很短。很多人会说我们现在的电力系统有其特殊的问题,他们会忘记这个系统是为了解决以前的问题而设计的。

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Can we back up for a second and go back to that big restructuring of the market because I have a feeling this will help us understand our current situation. But what was the problem that we were trying to solve back then? You know, people have short memories. A lot of people would say that our electricity system right now has its own special problems and they would forget that there were previous problems that this system was meant to address.

是的,我的意思是,这有点令人不安。你问这个问题很有趣,因为当时要解决的问题是,曾经以整合的垂直一体化方式拥有整个链条的受管制公用事业公司(Regulated Utilities: 受到政府监管,提供公共服务的公司)对该行业的需求增长量做出了非常错误的判断。他们投入巨资建设发电厂,这些发电厂原本打算被纳入其费率基础(Rate Base: 公用事业公司可以赚取回报的资产总值),并在此基础上赚取回报,能够向专属客户收取这些成本。

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Yeah. I mean, it's kind of haunting. It's funny you should ask that question because the problem it was meant to address is that regulated utilities which used to own this whole chain of links on a consolidated vertically integrated basis bet wrong very badly on the amount of demand growth in the sector. and they put themselves out there building power plants that were intended to be included in what's called their rate base on which they earn a return and are able to charge off those costs to a captive set of customers.

当他们对最终系统上将实现的需求做出错误判断时,他们发现自己过度投资于已经建成或正在建设的发电量。受管制公用事业经济学的核心是这个除法问题,其中固定成本的总系统是分子,除以吞吐量的分母。所以这些受管制公用事业公司在分子上大量增加,而分母却没有支撑,结果是这个除法问题导致价格不断上涨。在那个时候,一些公用事业公司的州监管机构说你们不谨慎,我们不允许你们收回成本,因为你们不谨慎。他们破产了。但这只是例外情况。他们中的大多数都允许从专属客户群中收回这些成本。但其中一些州也通过了法律,规定“我们绝不能再犯这样的错误。我们没有理由不让电力投资来满足系统所需的需求水平,这应该由投资者在市场中的竞争性押注来决定。”

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When they bet wrong on the demand that would ultimately materialize on the system, they found themselves well over their skis in the amount of power generation that they either had built or were in the process of building. At the heart of regulated utility economics is this division problem where kind of a total system of fixed costs is the numerator divided by the denominator of throughput. So these regulated utilities were adding handsomely to the numerator. The denominator wasn't propping up that and the result was that division problem spitting out a price that was escalating higher and higher. Some utilities at that point their state regulators said you've been imprudent. we're going to not allow you cost recovery because you've been imprudent. They went bankrupt. But that was the exception to the rule. Most of them allowed those costs to be recovered from a captive customer base. But some of those states also passed laws that said, "Let's never do this again. There's no reason why we shouldn't have power generation invested in to meet the levels of demand needed on the system be a function of investors competitive bets in the market. "

所以,在大约三分之一的州,但却占到所售电力的一半以上,现在就是这种商业模式,像我们这样的公司必须猜测需求会是多少,并尝试自愿与我们签订合同,为我们可能投资的发电项目创造收入。而对于全国其他地区,它仍然通过像我这样的人,戴着我以前的帽子,作为公用事业委员会主席,猜测未来会是什么样子,并将这些猜测的成本转嫁给垄断的客户群来运作。

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And so in about you know call it a third of the states but accounting for more than half of the power sold that's now the business model where companies like mine are you know have to make guesses about what the demand is going to be and try to voluntarily contract with us to produce revenue for the power generation we might invest in. And for the rest of the country, it still works by, you know, people like me wearing my former hat, you know, as a as the chairman of a utility commission, like guessing what the future is going to be and charging off the cost of those gases to a monopolized customer base.

让我们谈谈你以前的职位,因为你听到的一件事是,公用事业公司有过度投资的动机,因为这可能有助于决定他们未来被允许收取多少费用。但你能不能谈谈你以前的职位以及你扮演的基本角色,你是如何考虑决策的,以及我们如何从监管委员会成员的角度理解这个世界?

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Let's talk about your former hat because one of the things you hear about is that the utilities have this incentive to overinvest because that might help determine what they're allowed to charge on a going forward basis. But why don't you sort of talk about your former hat and the basic role you played, how you thought about decision making and how we are to understand what the world looks like from the standpoint of someone sitting on that regulatory commission.

是的。首先,你对美国公用事业部门广泛使用的经济监管模式下的激励机制是绝对正确的,这种模式几乎无一例外地用于监管垄断行业。公司根据其在系统中投入的资本投资(Capital Investments: 用于购买或升级长期资产的资金)金额,赚取由其州或联邦经济监管机构预先宣布的回报。所以,“花得多赚得多”会产生一些矛盾的效果,即公用事业公司所能获得的最大利润是在其拥有特定资产的第一年,而当他们完全拥有该资产时,他们实际上赚取零利润。所以这有点像你期望从竞争性企业中获得的现金流范式的倒置。(笑声)

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Yeah. Well, you're number one, you're absolutely correct about the incentives at play under the style of economic regulation that is widely used really without exception in the United States to regulate the monopoly industries in the utility sector. The companies earn a return that is sort of announced in advanced by their state or federal economic regulators based on the amount of capital they've invested in the system. So spend more make more has some paradoxical effects where the most amount of profit a utility will ever make is in the first year that it owns a particular asset and then when they own it free and clear they actually earn zero profit. So sort of an inversion [laughter] of the cash flow paradigm that you would expect out of competitive businesses.

监管机构还会为受管制资产的费率目的设定折旧寿命,这与该模型有一些互动效应。所以这基本上就是州监管公用事业委员会的工作核心。他们确定公用事业公司所做的资本投资中,有多少是“已使用且有用”并服务于客户的。他们还为所谓的“审慎发生的费用”(系统上的运营和维护费用)设定津贴,公用事业公司对这些费用不赚取利润,只收回成本。这也会产生连锁激励效应,如果我是一个公用事业公司,我看到一个需要解决的问题,我总是想通过资本支出(Capital Expenditure - Capex: 用于购买或升级长期资产的资金)来解决它。我绝不想通过运营支出(Operating Expenditure - Opex: 维持日常运营的费用)来解决,因为前者能带来回报,后者不能。因此,在竞争性企业中通常会发生的资本支出和运营支出之间的权衡,在受管制部门往往不会发生。

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Regulators also establish the depreciation lifespan for ratem purposes of regulated assets which has some interactive effects with that model. So that that's basically the gristin mill of what state regulatory utility commissions do. They determine the amount that is quote unquote used and useful in service to customers of the capital investments that utilities have made. They also establish an allowance for so-called prudently incurred expenses the on&m on the system around which the utility earns no margin just gets a recovery of those costs. And that that also has the knock-on incentive of if I'm a utility and I look at a problem that I have to solve, I'll always want to solve it with capital investment. I will never want to solve it with opex, you know, and because that one earns a return, one does not. So ordinary tradeoffs that would occur in competitive businesses between capex and opex tend not to occur in the regulated sector.

其他国家以不同的方式做到了这一点,并试图建立一种更基于绩效的监管框架,根据结果奖励公用事业公司利润。但是,你知道,美国从未达到这个目标,原因有很多,坦率地说,都是些愚蠢的原因。所以,这就是这个行业受到监管的方式。一个真正按照20世纪初标准进行监管的行业,却试图服务于现代经济,这很奇怪,坦率地说。是的,确实有这种感觉,不是吗?

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Other countries have done this a different way and have tried to establish more of a performance-based framework of regulation that rewards utilities with profits based on outcomes. But, you know, the United States has never got there for a whole variety of frankly dumb reasons. So, that's the way the sector is regulated. It's it's weird to have a sector that is really regulated according to early 20th c century standards that's trying to serve a modern economy to be fully candid with you. Yeah, it does feel that way, doesn't it?

数据中心:电力需求增长的新引擎与风险

所以,我在引言中说过,我对电力市场了解不多。我感觉我一直在努力理解它。但我确实知道的一件事是,很多电力公司多年来一直在抱怨美国的负荷实际上一直在下降或停滞。现在,我们面临的情况是,每个人都在谈论数据中心上线并消耗大量电力。所以负荷终于在上升了。这对电力公司来说不应该是一件好事吗?他们不应该庆祝他们有额外的钱可以花在,如果不是运营支出,那就是资本支出上吗?

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So, again, I said in the intro, I do not know much about the electricity market. I feel like I'm constantly struggling to try to understand it. But one thing I do know is that a lot of the electricity companies seem to complain for years and years and years that loads in the US had actually been either declining or stagnant. Now, we have the situation where everyone is talking about data centers coming on stream and use a lot of electricity. So, loads are finally rising. Shouldn't this be a good thing for the electricity company? Shouldn't they be celebrating they have extra money um to spend on if not opex than capex?

一般来说,是的。确实,对于美国大多数电力市场来说,负荷一直相当平稳。在PJM(宾夕法尼亚州、新泽西州、马里兰州)市场,该市场从华盛顿特区延伸到芝加哥,他们上一次记录的峰值需求是在2006年。他们很可能在明年,也就是2026年,创下新的需求记录,这距离上次已经20年了。像德克萨斯州的ERCOT市场,负荷一直在增长,但这绝对是例外。大多数这些地方上一次创下需求记录,你知道,是在大量用电的行业离岸化和去工业化之前。这实际上在很多地方也促进了资本从煤炭和天然气向可再生能源的周转。但总的来说,就总装机发电容量而言,这基本上是中性甚至略微负面的。

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Generally, yes. And it's true that for most electricity markets in the United States, it's been fairly flat. In the PJM, the Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Maryland market that stretches from Washington DC to Chicago. They last recorded a record peak demand in 2006. They'll in all likelihood set a new demand next year, 20 years later in 2026. Some markets like Texas's Urkott market have been growing, but it is definitely the exception to the rule. Mo most of these people last set a record demand, you know, before the period of offshoring and de-industrialization of industries that use a lot of electricity and and that actually facilitated the kind of turnover of capital from coal gas and to renewables a little bit as well in a lot of these places. But net of net, you know, that was kind of neutral or even a little bit negative in terms of the total installed generation capacity.

是谁在管理,即使在发电容量增加方面也是如此。然后,就“他们不应该庆祝吗?”这个问题而言,是的,绝对应该。这个行业中的每个人,包括我的公司和受管制的公用事业公司,都对增长前景感到兴奋。他们也担心这种增长是否真实,以及增长的幅度有多大。

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who was kind of managing to even in terms of generation capacity additions. And then in terms of like shouldn't they be celebrating? Yes, definitely. Everyone in the sector, my business and the regulated utilities are excited about the prospect of growth. They're also nervous about whether or not this growth is real and to what magnitude.

让它有点令人担忧的部分原因是,通常电力需求增长将是来自许多不同终端应用的需求增长的综合体,这将分散押注增长的风险。而现在,这就像一个零或一。你知道,如果你去掉数据中心,这个行业在电力需求方面实际上是相当稳定的。如果你加上数据中心,这个行业真的有望大幅增长。当你看看电网运营商的预测时,我的意思是,仅仅为了说明这些数字,我刚才提到的中大西洋地区的PJM市场,目前大约是16万兆瓦的市场。它预计到2030年将增加4万兆瓦。德克萨斯州的ERCOT市场,你知道,现在大约是8.5万兆瓦。其最新预测是到2030年将达到近14万兆瓦。这意味着在五年内,德克萨斯州的电力需求将增加一个加利福尼亚州的规模。而这不会发生,因为它不可能发生。我的意思是,这字面上不可能发生。

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Part of what makes it a little worrying is that ordinarily electricity demand growth would be a composite of growing demand from many different enduse applications that would kind of diversify the risk of betting on growth. Here it's like a one or a zero. You know if you take out the data centers the sector is actually you know pretty stable in terms of electricity demand. If you add the data centers the sector is really poised to grow a heck of a lot. And when you look at the projections of the grid operators, I mean, just to put some numbers on this, the the market PJM in the Mid-Atlantic that I was referring to, it's currently about 160,000 megawatt market. It's projecting to add 40,000 megawatts by 2030. The Urkott, Texas market, you know, about 85,000 megawatts right now. Its latest projection is up to nearly 140,000 megawws by 2030. Now, that's like adding a California to Texas in terms of electricity demand in five years. And that's not going to happen because it can't. It just I mean, literally could not occur.

但问题就在于此,我们到底在投资什么?以及哪些监管政策可以基本上帮助确定人工智能实际产生的承购量,以便资本投资能够沿着供应链传播,最终为它们服务。这才是政策制定者、公用事业公司和像我们这样的竞争性供应商正在努力解决的根本问题。

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But there there in lies the problem is like what are we actually investing toward and what are the regulatory policies that can essentially help call the question on the amount of offtake that will actually materialize from AI so that then capital investments can propagate throughout the supply chain to to end up serving them. that that's really the fundamental question that policy makers, utilities, and competitive providers like us are trying to deal with.

这些数字绝对令人震惊。在短短几年内,德克萨斯州的需求量将增加一个加利福尼亚州的规模。当你说你认为这些数字不可能实现时,制约因素是什么?在德克萨斯州这样的市场,是在发电侧吗?或者如果我们谈论任何其他地区,因为我认为在那里建立太阳能农场或其他设施相当容易。德克萨斯州似乎对如何轻松接入电网非常自由。或者在这样的州,即使你能建立生产,也没有输电能力吗?

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Those numbers are absolutely staggering. The idea of adding California size demand to Texas in just a standpoint of a few years. When you say you don't think those numbers can happen, what is the constraint? Is it on the generation side in a market like Texas or if we're talking about what any other region or because I think there it's pretty easy to set up, you know, solar farms or whatever. Texas seems pretty liberal with what kind of how easy it is to plug into the grid or is it in a state like that there isn't the transmission capacity even if you can stand up the production?

电网基础设施:供应瓶颈与投资困境

是的,我的意思是,这有点像所有因素的综合。从电力部门以外的方面来看,包括实际建造数据中心、它们的芯片以及支持它们的光纤。然后从我们这边来看,你说得对,通过互连获得电网接入,获得所有你需要接入电网的设备。我们谈论的是,你知道,电网升压发电机升压变压器之类的东西。乔,我知道这是你多年来听播客一直关心的话题。然后就是电力设备,比如燃气轮机的可用性。你知道,考虑到这些数据中心对持续电力生产的需求,太阳能电池板可能无法满足你的需求,但它们确实有帮助。所以,规模本身就是一个困境。

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Yeah, it's I mean it's a little bit of everything. everything from stuff that isn't, you know, on the power sector side of the fence line in terms of actually being able to construct data centers and, you know, their chips and the fiber optics that would back them up. And then on our side of the fence, you're right, getting access to the grid through interconnection, getting all the equipment that you would need to tap into the grid. We're talking about, you know, kind of grid step up generator stepup transformers and stuff like that. Joe, I know that's a topic near and dear to you from listening to the pod over the years. And then it is the power equipment in terms of like gas turbine availability. You know, solar panels probably aren't going to do it for you given the demand for, you know, kind of consistent power production off of these data centers, but they are helpful. So, it's just the magnitude there is a dilemma.

你知道,现在如果我要订购一个发电机升压变压器之类的东西,在疫情之前可能需要12到18个月。现在我们谈论的是3到4年才能得到一个定制的设备,其规格只有在当地公用事业公司(电线杆和电线公司)告诉我互连研究在电网可用性和我们与系统的连接方面是什么样子之后才能知道。所以这是一个问题。你知道,NRG很幸运,有一些燃气轮机已经排好队,将在本十年晚些时候交付。所以我们能够促进一些这样的投资。但如果你现在才开始排队,那也将是一个需要几年时间的过程。其中一些是设备的可用性问题,另一些是项目上线过程中准监管步骤的自然节奏。

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And you know right now if I were to place an order for something like you know a generator step-up transformer you know precoid it would have been maybe like 12 to 18 months. Now we're talking about 3 to 4 years for a bespoke piece of equipment whose specifications are only available to me after the local utility the poles and wires company tells me what my interconnection study looks like in terms of grid availability and our connection to the system. So that that's one. You know, NRG is lucky enough to have some gas turbines lined up for delivery, you know, later in this decade. So we would be able to facilitate some of this investment. But if you were going to get in line right now, that too would be a process that would take several years. Some of it's the availability of equipment and some of it is a natural pacing of steps in the kind of quasi regulatory process to get projects online.

会更好。我认为一个有趣的政策创新是,如果你有一个更市场化的方式来利用我们系统中稀缺的剩余裕量,从电网互连的角度来看,而不需要在电线杆和电线上进行大量资本投资。但你知道,这不是监管模式的设置方式。你知道,现在我们有一个范式,如果我是一个发电商,我就会敲当地公用事业公司的大门,说:“嘿,我想在这个地方建一个电力项目,你们能为它与电网的互连进行研究吗?”他们会带着研究结果回来,如果我不喜欢这个数字,不喜欢这些规格,我就会提交另一项研究,然后我们反复迭代。所以开发这些项目有时是一个耗时的过程,可能需要有更协调的需求侧和供应侧之间的途径。即使你当然不应该在功能上重新整合公用事业的商业模式,但拥有电线杆和电线的人与负责发电的人之间确实需要更多的协调。而这正是目前政策格局中缺失的一环。

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It would be better. I I think one of the interesting policy innovations that's out there is if you had kind of more of a market to make use of the scarce remaining headroom in our system from sort of a grid interconnection point of view without tripping into having to build a bunch of capital investments in poles and wires. But you know that's not the way the regulatory model is set up. You know right now we have a paradigm where if I'm a power generator I kind of knock on the door of the local utility and say hey you know I want to build a power project at this place can you s can you study it for the sake of its interconnection to the grid they come back with the study and I don't like the number I don't like the specs and then I submit another study and we iterate. Um, so it's a time-consuming process sometimes to develop these projects and there probably needs to be avenues that are more coordinated between the demand and supply side. And even if you don't, you know, even if you certainly shouldn't functionally reintegrate the utility business model, but there does need to be more coordination between the people who own the poles and wires and the people who are doing the generation. And that's kind of a missing link right now in this policy landscape.

数据中心的特殊用电需求与电网韧性

除了纯粹的电力需求量,我想是纯粹的兆瓦数。数据中心是否有特定的能源需求,比如电力的类型?我猜一兆瓦就是一兆瓦,但我知道什么呢?但也许在时间安排等方面,数据中心的电力消耗与工业工厂或我们回家开灯相比,是否存在独特的运营考量?

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Other than sheer volume of power needs, I guess sheer megawws. Do data centers have specific energy needs in terms of I don't know the type of electricity? I would assume a megawatt is a megawatt, but what do I know? But maybe in terms of timing and things like that, are there sort of operational considerations that are unique to data centers electricity consumption versus say an industrial factory or us turning the lights on when we get home?

是的。所以我的意思是,你知道,任何规模的人们对计算技术的最初体验,你知道,都是基于云的服务器,然后另一方面是加密货币挖矿设施。两者都是数据中心,但两者之间再没有比这更不同的了,对吧?我的意思是,加密货币在某个加密货币行权价格下变得不经济,无法继续挖矿,因此它是一个高度灵活的负荷,当电力市场条件紧张时会从系统中脱落,我们经常在德克萨斯州看到这种情况。另一方面,对于提供实时瞬时托管功能的云服务,你知道,它们需要,它们的电力消耗具有非常高的负荷系数(Load Factor: 实际消耗的电量与最大可能消耗电量之比)。它们以相对一致的方式从系统中汲取电力,当然它们需要高度可靠。你知道,它们不能被中断,否则就会出现Cloudflare或AWS中断式的问题。

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Yeah. So I mean the first experience you know at any scale that anyone seemed to have with computing technologies you know were kind of you know cloud-based servers and then really on the other side like crypto mining facilities and both of them data centers but the two could not be more different right I mean c crypto can it becomes uneconomic at a certain strike price for cryptocurrency to continue mining and so it's a highly flexible load that drops off the system when conditions become tight in an electricity market and we see that all the time in Texas. On the other hand, for you know cloud services that are providing kind of real time instantaneous hosting capabilities you know they they kind of need they have a very high what's called a load factor of their power consumption. They're drawing from the system on a relatively consistent basis and of course they need to be highly reliable. you know they can't really be interrupted without having cloudfare or AWS interruption style problems.

所以非常不同,你可以回顾其他工业客户的类比,你知道,炼铝厂在进行批量冶炼时负荷系数很高,不能中断;造纸厂也许可以中断。所以我们这个行业从中学到了一些经验,并且已经设计出围绕需求灵活性的市场,试图为电力部门做以前航空部门所做的事情,航空部门以前的负荷系数很低,但在70年代重组和放松管制之后,突然间每个人的飞机都坐满了,你知道,在某些情况下甚至太满了,以至于人们会被挤下飞机并获得补偿。所以我们还没有在电力部门实现这一点,那里的负荷系数仍然是50%、60%、70%。所以在某些时段有很多裕量,而在其他时段裕量很少。

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So very different and you can look back to analoges of you know other industrial customers you know aluminum smelters highloadad factor when they were doing the batching of smelting couldn't be interrupted paper mills maybe you could interrupt them. So we the industry has some like kind of learnings from this and there have been markets designed around the flexibility of demand to try to do for the power sector what previously happened to say the airline sector which had used to have you know very low load factor and then after restructuring and deregulation in the 70s suddenly everyone's you know everyone's airplanes ended up full you know and too full in some cases where you know people get bumped and compensated for it. So we're we've yet to achieve that though in the power sector where load factors continue to be you know 50 60 70%. So there's a lot of headroom during certain hours and very little headroom during other hours.

所以,就网络经济学而言,主要问题是,如果你最终拥有大量高负荷系数的数据中心客户,即那些不能中断的类型,你如何让他们上线,而无需进行大量必要的资本投资来满足他们最后几个小时的需求,并确保稳定供电?或者你是否可以从系统其他地方获取灵活性,比如从住宅空调或其他类似设备中获取?这又是一个非常重要的问题,需要弄清楚。人们已经发现了这个问题,但我们尚未以任何有意义的方式解决它。尽管像德克萨斯州这样的市场,在某种程度上是倾向于以更自由企业的前提来解决这个问题。其他市场似乎有点挣扎。

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So the kind of the primary question in terms of the network economics is if you end up with a bunch of high load factor data center customers, the type that can't be interrupted, how do you get them online without tripping into a bunch of necessary capital investments to serve that last few% of hours where their demand needs to be served and firm? Or can you source flexibility out of the system somewhere else like from residential air conditioning or something like that? That's a question again that's very important to figure out. People have kind of issue spotted it but we've really yet to solve in any meaningful way. Though markets like Texas are kind of geared towards solving it in more of a free enterprise [music] premise. Other markets seem to be struggling a bit.

想到手机上收到提醒,比如“GPT6正在完成训练运行。抱歉。不,我们希望你现在调低空调。”这很有趣。不,我不知道这是否会发生。但所有人对数据中心感兴趣的部分原因,有很多原因,但人们听到这些数字时会担心,他们会想:“哦,作为消费者,假设我住在德克萨斯州(我有时确实住过),我作为消费者是否会以某种方式为数据中心带来的这种大规模需求扩张买单?”直觉上,这似乎不应该发生。他们可以支付自己的电费。他们可以支付自己的升级费用。但是这种大规模的需求增长将如何从缴费者的角度来看待?

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It's funny to think about getting an alert on your phone. It's like GPT6 is completing its training run. Sorry. No, if we would like you to turn down your air conditioning right now. No, I don't know if that would happen. But the part of the reason everyone's interested in data centers period, well, there's a lot of reasons, but people are worried when they hear these numbers, they're like, "Oh, am I as the consumer, let's say I lived in Texas, which I sometimes have, am I as the consumer going to in some way or another be paying the price for this massive expansion of demand thanks to data centers?" Intuitively, it seems like, well, it shouldn't be. They could pay for their own electricity. They could pay for their own upgrades. But how does this massive increase in demand play out from the sort of the rateayer perspective?

谁来买单?AI时代电力成本的消费者负担

是的。所以我们回到受管制电网成本和商品成本之间的分段,来回答这个问题。在商品方面,你知道,这往往是一个边际成本定价(Marginal Cost Pricing: 价格由生产最后一单位产品或服务的成本决定)的环境,如果需求增长超过供应增加,系统就会变得更紧张。供应曲线会上移,以满足需求的最后一单位,其边际成本以非常真实的方式确定了所有需求必须支付的清算价格。除非他们通过某种对冲工具进行双边合同,这是每个人都应该做的。在理想市场中,没有人应该暴露于现货价格,但我们发现很多人由于各种原因都暴露于现货价格。

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Yeah. So we go back to the kind of segmentation between the regulated grid costs and the commodity costs on on in answer to that question on the commodity side. You know, this tends to be a marginal cost pricing environment where if you have demand growth outstripping supply additions, the system becomes tighter. The supply curve moves up for the kind of last unit that's necessary to serve demand and its marginal costs in a very real way establish the clearing price that all demand has to pay. Unless and to the extent to they are bilaterally contracted with some kind of hedging instruments which everyone should be. No one should be in an ideal market exposed to that spot price but we find that many people are for a variety of reasons.

因此,人们考虑的一些政策干预是,你知道,通常我们会让这些市场自行达到均衡。我们期望有机增长能够通过有机供应增加来满足。在这里,人们观察到,哇,这种需求增长似乎与市场有机实现的能力非常不成比例。也许我们应该要求他们自带发电。你知道,我们不会让电力市场在远期交易的基础上发出正确的信号,并希望有足够的发电量来满足这种需求,作为社会许可的一部分,甚至作为他们上线的一个正式监管要求。你必须向我们展示你从系统中带来的兆瓦数。所以这是一个争论。

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So some policy interventions that people have contemplated is you know usually we would let these markets kind of equilibriate on their own. we would expect sort of organic growth to be met with organic supply additions. Here people have observed like wow this demand growth seems really out of scale with what the markets have organically been able to achieve. Maybe we should have a requirement to just bring your own generation. you know, we're not going to let the power markets on a forward traded basis send the right signal and hope that enough generation shows up to serve this demand a as sort of part of the social license or even a formalized regulatory requirement for them to get online. You got to show us the megawatts that you're bringing out of the system. So that's one of the debates.

在账本的另一边,受管制成本也可能是一个问题,通常又是在网络经济学中受管制成本的这个除法问题。如果你以更高的速度增加吞吐量的分母,那么你就会增加系统固定成本的两个增量,每个人的费率都会下降。你知道,这会产生一个较低的商,也就是电网消耗电力的价格。这里的问题是,在所有材料、变压器、电缆、所有构成电线杆和电线的东西都处于通胀环境的情况下,如果你增加需求,并且你不仅仅是利用系统中已经存在的裕量,如果你没有增加系统的容量系数,如果你正在进行大量新的资本支出,那么即使你增加的需求正在支付受管制的费率,也可能不足以抵消你在系统上增量进行的支出总额。

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On the other side of the ledger, the regulated costs that too can be a problem usually in again this division problem of network economics for the regulated costs. If you're adding to that denominator of throughput at a rate that is higher, then you're adding two additions to the fixed cost of the system, everyone's rates go down. You know, produces a lower quotient, which is the price of grid consumed electricity. The problem here is that in a kind of an inflationary environment for all the materials, the transformers, the cabling, everything that goes into the poles and wires, if you're adding demand and you're not just using headroom that already exists on the system, if you're not increasing that capacity factor on the system, if you're tripping into a lot of new capital expenditures, then even if you're adding demand that's paying regulated rates, it may not be enough to offset the total amount of expenditures incrementally you're making on the system.

所以那里也有政策干预,你可以尝试直接将电网产生的成本分配回数据中心。但这些都是相当新的方法,其中一些尝试的目标是错误的。所以这里还有很多政策工作要做,所有这些都是一场政治辩论,你知道,很多州长,那些真正负责与他们的州公用事业委员会制定这些政策的人,他们同时想要数据中心的经济发展,但又不希望出现可靠性、可负担性、清洁能源等方面的负面外部性,而所有这些因素都是相互制约的,但你知道,政治参与者会希望最大化所有这些变量,这在当前环境下是不可能的。

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So there's policy interventions there too where you can try to directly assign the costs that are caused on the grid back to the data centers. But those are pretty nent approaches and some of the ones that have been tried are kind of aiming at the wrong thing. So a lot of policy work remains to be done here and all of this is kind of a political debate where you know a lot of state governors the people who are really the ones kind of in charge of you know with their state utility commissions setting these policies they simultaneously want the economic development of data centers but they don't want any negative externalities around reliability affordability clean energy and all those things trade off against one another but you know political actors will want to maximize all of those variables. which is not possible in the current environment.

理解节点定价:电力市场中的地理信号

我能问一个非常基本的问题吗?我正在努力想出一种表达方式,听起来不像是我刚刚带一位年迈的家人去看医生一样。但是,什么是节点(Node: 电力系统中电力买卖的物理地点)?

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Can I ask a very basic question? And I'm struggling to think of a way to frame it that doesn't sound like I've just taken an elderly family member to a medical office or something. But what is a node?

节点通常是一个像变电站一样的地方。它是物理电网中电力买卖的地点。它是电网上的一个物理目的地。当我们说节点市场(Nodal Markets: 电力价格根据电网上的具体物理位置而变化的电力市场)时,这是一种描述电力市场的方式,我们指的是电力以所谓的位置边际价格(Locational Marginal Price - LMP: 在电网特定节点处,满足下一单位电力需求的边际成本)为基础定价的市场。LMP,正如它们所称,是基于电网上的物理目的地,称为节点。我只是猜测,但像德克萨斯州这样的市场会有几千个节点,电力在这些节点上以个体定价的方式进行交易。

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A node usually would be a place like a substation. It is the place on the physical grid at which electricity is bought and sold. It's a physical destination on the grid. When we say nodal markets, uh, which is a way to describe electricity markets, we're referring to markets where electricity is priced on a so-called locationational marginal price basis. And the L the LMPs, as they're called, are based on physical destinations on the grid called nodes. I'm just, you know, estimated guess here, but a market like Texas will have a few thousand nodes at which electricity is traded on an individuated price basis.

对我来说,这似乎是一种很奇怪的做法。我确信有非常充分的理由这样做。但是,现在,考虑到我们掌握的所有数据,考虑到人工智能的兴起,我们难道不能计算出某种系统平均成本吗?我们以物理点来计算,这似乎真的很奇怪。尽管我猜,你知道,有很多商品确实是根据特定地点进行交易的,但这对我来说就是很奇怪。

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That seems like such a weird way of doing it to me. And I'm sure there are very valid reasons for doing it in this way. But like nowadays, given all the data at our disposal, given the rise of AI, can't we work out some sort of average cost across the system? It seems really weird that we're taking it at like physical points. Although I guess you know there are plenty of commodities that do trade based on particular locations, but it just seems strange to me.

嗯,重要的是系统中有节点定价,仅仅因为它为必要的发电的准确位置发出了强大的价格信号。有些市场,我想到的是艾伯塔省,一些欧洲市场,它们实际上在整个市场中建立了一个区域价格。但在那里,你最终会看到发电厂开发商,你知道,他们在远离需求的一个特定区域开发风能,以获取平均价格,但随后由于输电系统限制和拥堵,这些能源最终无法输送。所以节点定价的制定旨在反映一个市场,这个市场不像证券交易所那样只是交易数据位来代表纸面证券。它以一种非常真实的方式旨在模拟基于系统限制的电子流。然后它也提供了有价值的信息,因为如果你继续看到某个地方的位置边际价格非常高,而20英里外却非常低。这向规划输电网的人发出了一个信号,即“嘿,我们可能应该在这里建设一条输电线路”,因为输电线路的增加将是消除价格差异并创建一个更像“铜板”而不是两个独立“游泳池”的市场的原因。

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Well, it is important that you have nodal pricing in the system o only because it sends a powerful price signal for the accurate location of necessary power generation. There are certain markets, I'm thinking of Alberta, some of the European markets that actually do establish a zonal price across their entire market. But there you end up with power plant developers, you know, who develop wind in a particular area far away from demand to capture the average price, but then that energy ends up being undeliverable because there are transmission system constraints and congestion. So the nodal pricing formulation is intended to reflect a market that unlike the stock exchange isn't just trading bits of data to represent kind of paper securities. It in a very real way is meant to simulate a kind of flow of electrons on a system constrained basis. And then it provides valuable information too because if you continue to see locationational marginal prices, you know, in one place that are very high and 20 miles away they're very low. That's a signal to the people who plan the transmission grid that hey, you know, we should probably build a transmission line here because the addition of the transmission line will be the thing that flattens out that price differential and creates a market that looks more like a, you know, a copper plate rather than two separate swimming pools.

有趣。不过,为了澄清,如果我想成为头号公敌,我能否在一个位置边际价格点节点旁边建造一个巨大的数据中心,从而影响更大区域的电费?

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Interesting. Just to be clear though, if I wanted to be public enemy number one, could I build a gigantic data center next to a locationational marginal price point node and affect the cost of electricity for, you know, a greater area?

是的,你绝对可以。事实上,我的意思是,我至少知道一个例子。你知道,北达科他州就是一个很好的例子。这个地方没有强大的输电基础设施,但有很多可再生资源,这些可再生能源以一种导致能源价格下降甚至有时在北达科他州变为负值的方式倾销到市场。你知道,我们在这波扩张中看到的第一批数据中心选择设在北达科他州,因为它们可以获得低廉甚至负值的批发价格。它们只是遵循价格信号。所以,你知道,有些数据中心实际上是靠消耗电力来赚钱的,因为供应过剩,而输电到该地区的容量又如此之少。

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Yes, you absolutely could. And in fact, I mean, I know of at least one example. You know, North Dakota is actually a good example of this. A place that is doesn't have a lot of robust transmission infrastructure does have a lot of renewable resources that cause and those renewables are almost kind of dumping on the market in a way that causes the energy price to go down and even negative at times in North Dakota. And you know, some of the first data centers that we've seen in this wave of expansion chose to locate in North Dakota because they had access to wholesale prices that were low or negative. they were just following the price signal. And so there's, you know, there's certain data centers out there that are literally being paid to consume electricity because there's such an over supply and so little transmission into the area.

你知道,我最近在一个播客上被问到这个问题,我没有很好的答案,所以我现在想问。你提到了,好的,所有这些不同的电气设备都供不应求。你可能要到2030年才能获得一些关键设备。这种紧张状况会缓解吗?市场上是否有额外的产能?当我被问到这个问题时,我有点犹豫。我想,嗯,也许他们不确定未来,所以他们不愿进行相关的资本支出。但你认为这种核心基础设施的产能会增长吗?据你所知。

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I, you know, I got asked this question on a podcast recently and I didn't have a good answer and I so now I want to ask. So you mentioned, okay, all these different pieces of electrical gear, they're in short supply. You might not be able to get some key equipment until 2030. Is that strain going to ease at all? Is there any additional capacity coming on the market? When I was asked this, I like sort of like hesitated. I was like, well, maybe they're not sure about the future, so they're like reluctant to do the capital expending involved. But do you think there's any like is capacity growing for some of this core infrastructure? As far as you could tell,

我的印象是会的。我的意思是,你已经看到了最大的燃气轮机制造商GE Vernova关于新增制造基地的公开声明。你知道,一些变压器设备也是如此。我认为你正在看到一些增量投资,你肯定看到像NRG这样的发电商正在采取行动,安排他们的选择权,以便在德克萨斯州市场或中大西洋市场部署电力项目,具体取决于消费者需求实际出现在哪里。所以,我认为那个市场有一些发展。

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my impression is yes. I mean, you've seen public announcements from the largest gas turbine manufacturer, GE Vernova, about new manufacturing base additions. you know, some of the transformer equipment as well. I think you're seeing some incremental investment in you're certainly seeing power generators like NRG, you know, take positions in lining up their optionality to have power projects that can be deployable to either the Texas market or the Mid-Atlantic market depending on where consumer demand actually arises. So, I I I think there is some development in that market.

我只想说,我认为人们正在等待的是,你知道,每个人都在审视供应链,并且合理地问道:“谁有深厚的财力?”然后每个人都转向大型科技公司。你知道,如果大型科技公司签署一份为期15年甚至更短的电力购买协议,以某个价格购买电力,我认为一些供应链会相当容易地到位。所以人们在某种意义上正在等待大型科技公司采取那些大的双边合同行动,这将有助于在整个供应链中传播对感知需求的理性响应。我认为这是该行业需要关注的领先指标。到底签署了多少这样的合同?

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I I will say I think what people are waiting for you know everyone looks around the supply chain and you know is reasonably asking well who's got the deep pockets here and then everyone turns to big tech you know big tech obviously if they signed a power purchase agreement for 15 years or even less to take power at a certain price some of this supply chain would fall into place pretty readily I would say and so people are kind of waiting in a sense for big tech to make those big bilateral contracting moves that would serve to propagate uh sort of rationality around response to the perceived demand up and down the supply chain. And I think that's kind of the leading indicator to watch for in the sector. How many of those contracts are actually being signed?

大型科技公司将包揽一切。他们将建造核电站,他们将建造自己的芯片,他们将建造自己的晶圆厂,以及所有的一切。这将是一个完整的生态系统,从头到尾都由Alphabet公司掌控。不过,我想回到你刚才说的一点,那就是数据中心的问题棘手之处在于,好的,这是一个巨大的需求增长,但它不是因为普遍的经济增长趋势。你可能会在一年后、六个月后,甚至明天,人们会说:“哦,我想紧急刹车,停止人工智能支出,我们没有得到回报,担心泡沫等等。”请再多谈谈委员会是如何应对这种风险以及这种非常二元化的规划状态的。

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Big tech is just going to do everything. They're going to build nuclear plants and they're going to build their own chips and they're going to build their own fabs and everything. It'll be this entire ecosystem that is just alphabets from down the line. I want to go back though to something you said which is that part of what's tricky about the data center thing is that okay here's this big boom in demand but it's not because of like general like trend economic growth and you could be perhaps that in a year from now or 6 months from now or tomorrow people say oh that I want to slam the brakes on a AI spending we're not getting this return fears of a bubble you know forth talk to us a little bit more how the commissions are dealing with this risk and this very Yeah. Binary state of planning.

是的。所以州级委员会以非常不同的方式处理了这个问题。其中一些委员会和受管制公用事业公司坦率地说:“我们不想承担这种风险。我们是一家中小型公用事业公司,有人敲我们的门,要求我们投资发电。那将是我们几十年保持稳定的总资产负债表的三分之一。我们就是不做。你可以接入我们的电网,你可以支付接入我们电网的费用,但在发电方面,你必须自带项目。我们不参与。”其他拥有更大资产负债表的公用事业公司,东南部的公用事业公司,正在利用其受管制的资产负债表来建设发电并为数据中心客户供电,这些高度编辑的商业协议的细节中隐藏着魔鬼,我非常想了解它们在多大程度上保护了消费者。

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Yeah. So commissions at the state level have dealt with this in a very different way. Some of them have candidly and regulated utilities themselves have said we want no part of this risk. Like we're a small midcap utility and someone is knocking at our door asking us to invest in power generation. That would be like a third of our total existing balance sheet that's remained stable for decades. We're just not doing it. You can get on our grid and you can pay the cost to get on our grid, but in terms of power generation, you've got to bring your own project. We're not involved in that. Other utilities that have larger balance sheets, the Southeastern utilities are using their regulated balance sheets to build out generation and supply data center customers, devils in the details on those heavily redacted commercial agreements that I would I would desperately love to see about the degree to which they protect consumers.

然后当然是行业的另一面,竞争性行业。你知道,像我们这样的公司和数据中心签订商业协议,进行电力的买卖。这些方都没有对专属客户群的追索权。所以他们可能会破产,我们也可能会破产。这不会,你知道,让所谓的缴费者付出代价。再说一次,在电网成本方面,这取决于州委员会,以及在这种情况下,联邦监管机构,即联邦能源管理委员会(Federal Energy Regulatory Commission),是否会采用照付不议的合同协议,要求接入电网的大型数据中心基本上抵押与开发电网以服务它们相关的增量成本的收入流。到目前为止,似乎相对一致地认为这是保护现有客户的正确方法。但同样,细节中隐藏着魔鬼,我对这些监管方法中正在进行的一些数学计算有问题。所以这个问题并非对那些经济监管这个行业的人来说是不可见的,但他们正在以非常真实的方式实时解决它。而且他们,我将第一个承认,他们的解决方案远非完美。

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And then of course the other side of the industry, the competitive industry. You know, it's companies like mine and data centers that enter into commercial agreements for the B purchase and sale of power. And neither of those parties have recourse to a captive base of customers. So they could go bust, we could go bust. It's not going to, you know, be skin off the teeth of a set of quote unquote rateayers. Again, on the grid costs, it's about whether or not state commisss, and in this case, a federal regulator, the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission, are going to style take or pay contractual agreements to require large data centers that come onto the grid to essentially collateralize a revenue stream associated with the incremental costs of developing the grid to serve them. And so far there seems to be relative unonymity that that is the right way to go in order to protect legacy customers. But again, the devil's in the details and I I have a problem with some of the math that's being done in those regulatory approaches. So it's not as if this problem is invisible to the people who are economically regulating this industry, but they are trying to in a very real way they are trying to figure it out in real time. and they and I'll be the first to say their solution set is far from perfect.

疫情后电价飙升:多重因素交织的系统性问题

所以,就这一点而言,我突然想到,系统中的困难,我的意思是,撇开50个不同州都有自己不同的法规不谈。当前系统困难的核心在于,我们试图在保持进一步投资的市场信号的同时,也平滑一些波动性,这样我和乔就不必花费大量时间思考什么时候吹干头发或洗衣服最划算。所以我们有点像想既要我们的资本主义蛋糕,又要吃掉它。蛋糕主义。科达主义,这种方式有点奏效。你理想中的电力市场是什么样的?在美国或其他地方,你有没有一个可以说“看,这是一个真正能同时做到这两件事的系统”?

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So just on this note, it strikes me that the difficulty in the system, I mean, setting aside the patchwork of 50 different states all having their own different regulations. Like the heart of the difficulty in the current system is we're trying to preserve the market signal for further investment but also smooth out some of the volatility so that Joe and I don't have to spend an inordinate amount of time thinking about what is like the most cost-effective time to blow dry our hair or do our laundry or something like that. So we're kind of trying to have our capitalism cake and eat it too. cakealism. Kodalism that kind of works. What is your platonic ideal of a electricity market? Do you have one either in the US or elsewhere in the world that you would say look here is a system that actually manages to do both these things?

是的,伙计。我喜欢这个问题。我的意思是,我不得不说,美国电力系统的一个真正缺陷是,它不像你希望的那样是一个健全的双边市场(Two-sided Market: 市场中同时存在相互依赖的两个客户群体,如买方和卖方)。需求仍然只是存在于系统中。它根据供应方对将会发生什么的猜测而进入系统,然后供应方被期望解决所有问题。需求弹性非常小,这有很多历史原因。我的意思是,第一个也是最明显的原因是,你甚至没有高级计量基础设施(Advanced Metering Infrastructure - AMI: 能够记录和传输详细用电数据的智能电表系统)这样的技术来了解人们何时实际用电,以及与高度时间可变的上游成本(Upstream Costs: 生产或服务过程中早期阶段发生的成本)之间的关系。

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Yeah, man. I love that question. I mean, I I will say the one of the real flaws in the US electricity system is that it is not as robustly a two-sided market as you would hope for. It's still demand just exists on the system. It's coming onto the system based on people's on the supply side guesses about what will happen and then the supply side is expected to solve all of it. there's very little in the way of demand elasticity and that's been for a variety of historical reasons. I mean the first and most obvious one is that you didn't even have the technology in the form of advanced metering infrastructure to understand when people were actually using the power in relation to a highly time variable set of upstream costs.

现在你确实拥有了这项技术,而且你还越来越多地拥有了允许电力零售商向终端消费者进行财务结算的软件,这些结算基于高级计量基础设施的实际电表读数。因此,在时间间隔的基础上,最终因为你不必考虑何时吹干头发,你拥有大量设备自动化,例如智能恒温器、电池储能、电动汽车、制造和工业流程,这些都可以设置为“设置并忘记”,自动响应高价格,以尝试增加系统的负荷系数,并避免在成本非常高的时候用电。所以这在美国电力部门才刚刚开始发生。我倾向于将英国和澳大利亚视为在解决这个问题方面走得更远的地方,它们拥抱了系统固有的灵活性,而美国则有点陷入这种“供应对需求产生影响”的行业框架中。所以这绝对是我的“待办事项”清单上的首要任务,仅仅因为我认为很多人都在以非常传统的方式思考解决这个问题,即增加供应,这确实很重要,但需求灵活性组件实际上对于实现一个像世界上所有其他高效和竞争性市场一样具有两面性的市场至关重要。

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Now you do have that you are also increasingly having the software that allows financial settlements on the part of the people retailing electricity to enduse consumers to be settled on the basis of that advanced metering infrastructures actual meter reads. So on a time interval basis and finally because you shouldn't have to think about when you're going to blow dry your hair, you have a significant amount of device automation in the form of smart thermostats, battery storage, electric vehicles, manufacturing and industrial processes which can be sort of a set it and forget it to automatically respond to high prices to try to increase the systems load factor and avoid using electricity at very high cost times. So that is just starting to happen in the American electricity sector. I would tend to look to the UK and Australia as places that have gone a bit ways further in trying to solve that problem and embrace the inherent flexibility of the system as versus the United States which is kind of stuck in this sort of supply does something to demand framework of industry. So that that's definitely on my like it's always on the top of my homework list if only because I think a lot of people are thinking about solving this problem highly conventionally with supply editions which is going to be really important but that demand flexibility component is actually essential to get to a market that looks like every other efficient and competitive market in the world which has two sides to it.

我们一直在谈论未来,并试图弄清楚,你知道,我们将如何将所有这些新的容量投入市场等等。让我们看看过去几年发生了什么。我们之所以进行这次对话,部分原因是因为电费是人们关心的问题,对吧?而且电费一直很高,有点不清楚其中有多少只是跟上通货膨胀。我猜电网维护实际上是劳动力成本通胀等的直接影响。然而,我们确实知道的一件事是,自疫情以来,电价上涨的速度似乎明显加快了。是什么推动了这一点?你将如何描述过去几年电价的情况,以及负荷增长在推动这些上涨中的作用?

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We've been talking a lot about sort of the future looking forward and figuring out, you know, how that we're going to get all this uh this new capacity onto the market, etc. Let's look at the last several years. Like what happened? Part of the reason we're even having this conversation is because electricity bills are on people's minds, right? And they've been high and it's a little unclear like how much of this is just keeping up with inflation. I presume that like grid maintenance is actually straightforwardly an effect of labor cost inflation etc. One thing we do know however is that the pace of electricity price increases really since the pandemic seems to have been a level step up. What's driven that? How would you characterize the last several years of electricity prices and perhaps the role of load growth in driving those increases?

是的。所以到目前为止,负荷增长并不是导致这种情况发生的原因。这几乎是一种觉醒,让我们意识到,即使没有更多的负荷增长,我们拥有的系统也比我们想象的更不可靠。这有很多原因。你知道,我们退役了大量的煤炭,虽然煤炭排放量很大,但我们用大量的天然气取而代之。这造成了对一个相互关联的网络系统,即天然气供应和管道系统,的更大依赖,该系统通常非常健壮且经济高效,但在冬季,当有大量住宅供暖需求时,该系统可能会出现脆弱性。因此,这些电力市场中的市场运营商在设置这些市场时,降低了该容量的价值,这意味着实际上是从某些市场中行政性地撤回了供应。

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Yeah. So, so far load growth is really not the contributor to what has happened here. It is almost an awakening to the fact that we had already without any more load growth a less reliable system than we thought we did. And that's due to a variety of reasons. you know, we retired a lot of coal, which, you know, had a lot of emissions, but we replaced it with a bunch of natural gas. That created a, you know, a a sort of more of a dependency on an interrelated network system, the gas supply and pipeline system, which while usually very robust and very economically efficient, in winter conditions where there's a lot of residential heating drawn, that system can show frailties. And so market operators in these electricity markets sort of derated the value of that capacity in how they set up these markets which meant effectively a sort of administrative withdrawal of supply from some of these markets.

与此类似,可再生能源在全国各地,特别是在中部地区,被视为不可靠发电的一对一替代品,但它们实际上被当作更可调度电力的有效替代品。我认为每个人心里都知道情况并非如此,但直到最近,随着情况变得紧张,人们才开始认真计算。最后,你知道,我们刚刚经历了两次真正具有创伤性的冬季风暴,特别是在东部和德克萨斯州各一次,这重塑了负责运营电网的人们对电网运营姿态和可靠资源需求的看法。因此,进行了一系列监管改革,其最终效果是收紧了对系统中可用发电容量的理解,相对于一个基本没有变化的需求基础。但突然之间,由于煤炭和老旧天然气因经济原因以及环境法规而退役,我们突然发现自己非常紧张。然后这种需求增长开始发生。所以我们对当前的需求增长时刻并没有特别充分的准备。我们已经将系统推向了,你知道,有些人可能会称之为如果需求增长水平稳定,就是一个紧张而高效的系统,但它并没有很好地适应增加数万兆瓦的新需求。

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Similar to that, renewables were seen not as a onetoone replacement for reliable generation in the parts of the country, the middle of the country especially where they were heavily invested in, but they were really being leaned on as an effective substitute for more dispatchable power. And I think everyone in the back of their head knew that wasn't the case, but only recently have as things have gotten tight have people begun to do a lot of hard math around it. And then finally, you know, we've just seen a few really traumatic winter storms in particular, one in the east and one in Texas that have sort of reshaped the way in which the people who have responsibility to operate the grid think about the operational posture and need for reliable resources on the grid. And so there were a variety of regulatory changes that were made that had net of net the effect to tighten up the understanding of what generating capacity was available in the system relative to a base of demand that really didn't change. But suddenly because of all of the retirements that had happened of coal and older gas due to economics as well as environmental regulation we suddenly found ourselves pretty tight. And then this demand growth started to happen. So we were not particularly well positioned for the present moment of demand growth. We had already driven the system to, you know, some might call it a tight and efficient system if you had demand growth that was level, but it was not well situated to pick up tens and tens of new gigawatts of demand.

走向双边市场:美国电力系统的未来愿景

我有一个假设性问题,但仅仅作为理论练习,如果我们都在追求廉价和充足的能源,并且作为这种追求的一部分,你可以在两个选项之间进行选择,你可以挥舞魔杖,让美国各地出现大量核反应堆,或者你可以挥舞魔杖,让美国的电池技术取得巨大进步。哪一个最有利于拥有廉价和充足的能源供应?

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I have a hypothetical question, but just as a theoretical exercise, if we are all in the pursuit of cheap and plentiful energy, and if as part of that pursuit, you could choose between two options, you could either wave a magic wand and get a bunch of nuclear reactors scattered around America, or you could wave a magic wand and get huge advances in battery technology across America. Which of those would be most conducive to having that cheap and plentiful energy supply?

是的,我的意思是,这会让我的很多朋友不高兴,但我可能会选择电池和储能。我认为在全国大部分地区,即使没有补贴,太阳能生产也具有一些自然的经济优势,而且电池似乎与此非常匹配。到目前为止,德克萨斯州的故事中,电池和太阳能与天然气增量相结合,确实支持了唯一一个在没有数据中心的情况下仍在增长的电力市场。所以,我会把这作为领先指标。这并不是说我的核能社区的朋友不好。我希望小型模块化领域正在发生的技术进步能够实现。我只是到目前为止,我没有看到很多人从商业角度对核能进行大量投资,但我确实看到人们在储能方面投入资金。

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Yeah, I mean I I'm going to make a lot of my friends unhappy with this one, but I'd probably go batteries and storage. I think there are some natural economic advantages in wide swaths of the country for relatively affordable even without subsidies. Solar production in particular and batteries seem like a pretty good natural match to that. It really has been in the kind of Texas story to date, the pairing of batteries and solar together with natural gas additions that have supported really the only electricity market that has been growing without data centers. So, I would take that as the leading indicator. That's not to speak ill of my friends in the nuclear bro community. I I hope that technology advances that seem to be occurring in the small modular space come to fruition. I just so far I don't see a lot of people laying down serious capital on that from a commercial perspective, but I do see people laying down money on storage.

我只剩下最后一个问题,这有点作弊。我实际上是想让你替我们完成工作,等等,你知道,我正在努力想一个真正好的节目标题,但如果你展望未来五年,你知道,你提到了德克萨斯州将增加一个加利福尼亚州的规模。你如何看待美国电力系统,整个电网目前面临的挑战的总体规模?这个挑战有多大,以至于像你们这样的公司到各种公用事业委员会的每个人都在面临?

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I just have one last question and it's kind of cheating. I'm actually my this question I'm kind of have going to have you do our work for us, etc., you know, I'm trying to think of a really good title for this episode, but if you look out over the next five years, you know, you mentioned adding a whole California to Texas. How are you thinking about the scale of the challenge overall that the US electricity system that the grid overall really faces in this moment? Like how big is it that everyone from companies like yours to the various utility commissions like how big is this uh challenge going to be?

这可能是一个巨大的挑战。我的意思是,我认为人工智能对电力消耗的需求增长是真实的。我也认为这种增长需要做出财务承诺,以促使电力部门进行资本投资,而它打算依赖这些投资。我认为这些将是他们在电网中运营的社会许可的底线,即使在引入竞争的地方,电网仍然受到相当严格的监管。所以我认为我们会实现这个目标。我确实认为,就我所处理的监管政策而言,存在太多的小格局思维,并且对我们一直以来的做法过于信任。现在可能是真正进行监管政策创新的时候了,就像我们看到联邦通信委员会(FCC)监管频谱和航空业放松管制一样,它试图将电网容量分配给价值最高的人,即那些真正愿意为此支付最高价格的人。而这些支付可能超过服务他们的增量成本,然后实际上可以成为消费者的收入来源,有助于解决可负担性问题。

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It could be a substantial one. I mean I think that AI demand growth for electricity consumption is real. I also think that that growth needs to pony up financial commitments to engender capital investments in the power sector that it intends to rely upon. I think those will be the table stakes of their social license to operate in a grid that even where competition has been introduced remains pretty heavily regulated. So I I think we're going to get there. I I do think that in terms of the regulatory policy that I deal with, there's too much small ball thinking on this and there's too much trust in the way we've always done things. It's probably a time to really have kind of regulatory policy innovations like we've seen with the FCC regulating spectrum and the deregulation of the airline industry that tries to allocate the capacity on the grid to the highest value, the people who are actually willing to pay the most for it. and those payments which would likely exceed the incremental costs of serving them could then actually be a revenue source back to consumers that helps on the affordability side.

所以,你知道,这几乎是对听众的呼吁,你知道,如果你正在做一份平淡无奇的公司工作,并且想做一些完全不同的事情,考虑成为一名公用事业监管者,并应用一些基于市场的原则来帮助解决这些问题,因为当你真正思考时,公用事业监管者需要成为该行业资本形成的一个推动者,并澄清当前需求不确定性的时刻。这才是我们在概念层面上正在努力解决的挑战。

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So I, you know, it's almost a call to your listeners that, you know, if you're doing a uh a mundane corporate job and want to do something completely different, consider becoming a utility regulator and applying some market-based principles to to help solve some of these problems because really when you think about it, utility regulation, they need to be an agent of capital formation here in the sector and to clarify this [music] moment in terms of demand uncertainty. And that is the kind of challenge on a conceptual basis that we're grappling with.

特拉维斯·卡武拉,你知道,我们实际上可以和你聊上几个小时,只是关于你在蒙大拿州工作时的具体情况以及所有这些事情是如何运作的。但我们让你走吧。非常感谢你的时间。下次再聊。而且,我在这期节目中学到了一些东西。所以感谢你来到《OddLots》。

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Travis Cavula, you know, we could talk to you for hours actually just on, you know, I have a million more questions just about specifics from your time in Montana and how all those things work. But uh we'll let you go. Really appreciate your time. Let's do it again sometime. And uh I did learn a few things on this episode. So appreciate you coming on OddLog.

非常感谢。非常感谢,托马斯。那太棒了。

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Thank you [music] so much. Thank you so much, Thomas. That was great.

特蕾西,我真的很喜欢。我真的很喜欢你在问题中提出的方式,我们想要一个市场化的环境,需求信号非常重要等等。我们希望资本流向有利可图的地方,等等。我们只是不希望市场带来任何痛苦。(笑声)

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Tracy, I really like that. I really like the way you put it there in your question of we want to have a marketish environment and demand signals are pretty important, etc. And we want capital to flow where it's going to be profitable and all that. We just don't really want any of the pain [laughter] associated with the market.

是的。是的。我的意思是,讽刺的是,市场可能正在按预期运作,因为像数据中心这样的大型电力消费者决定搬迁到能源成本实际上非常低的地方。

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Yeah. Yeah. And I mean the irony is that the market could be functioning as intended in the sense that a large consumer of power like a data center decides to relocate itself to a place where energy costs are actually quite low

然后因为它这样做,最终将自己的电力需求成本分配到更广阔的区域。这一切似乎,我的意思是,我只是想回到我之前所说的。这一切似乎都如此错综复杂。

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and then because it does that ends up distributing you know the cost of its own power needs across a wider area. And it all seems I mean I'm just going to go back to what I said earlier. It all seems so convoluted

而且在不同的司法管辖区之间如此特殊。我确实非常尊重特拉维斯刚才的呼吁。如果你对市场感兴趣,并希望对人们的日常生活产生影响,可以考虑尝试清理能源监管的混乱局面。但你知道,即使在不那么错综复杂的版本中,如果我们只是想象一个正常市场的柏拉图式理想,并且有这种商品电子,那么如果人工智能是一个非常有价值的东西,并且比吹干头发更有价值呢?我的意思是,这确实可能发生,就像我们谈论制造汽车或制造钢铁等等一样,这会是:“哦,是的,这是一个有价值的生产性事物。”

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and so idiosyncratic across different jurisdictions. I do actually really respect Travis's call just then. If you're interested in markets and want to have an impact on people's everyday lives, consider trying to clean up the mess that is energy regulation. But you know even in the nonconvoluted version of it if we just imagine the platonic ideal of a normal market and there's this commodity electrons and it's well what if AI is this really valuable thing and it's more valuable than blow drying your hair. I mean for real this could be a thing like you know we were talking about making cars or making steel etc. would be like oh yeah well this is this value productive thing.

我本来不想提的。我本来不想提的,但现在我要提你写的那篇文章,说挖加密货币理论上可能比运行冰箱更有价值。

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I wasn't going to do it. I wasn't going to, but now I'm gonna bring up that time you wrote that mining crypto could theoretically be a more valuable activity than running a fridge.

嗯,没错,这就是问题所在。在一个正常的市场中,那个例子之所以显得荒谬,我很高兴你提到了,因为那个例子之所以显得荒谬,是因为很少有人能理解,挖加密货币是否比运行冰箱更有价值或附加值。话虽如此,当涉及到像人工智能这样的事情时,确实存在争议。有些人会说那完全是浪费,因为人工智能只是一种制造快速诗歌的昂贵方式。而另一些人会说,不,这是第四次工业革命或其他什么。所以我认为我们对“哦,让我们把电子转移到谁愿意为它们支付最多钱的地方”感到不舒服的部分原因在于,我认为很多人直觉上怀疑这是否是对实际资源的良好分配。

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Well, right, this is the question. In a normal market, the reason why that example seems absurd, I'm glad you actually brought up because the reason why that example seems absurd is because very few people could ever wrap their heads around, well, could crypto mining be more valuable or value ad than running a fridge. That being said, when it comes to something like AI, there really is a debate. And some people would say that's a total waste because AI is just a costly way to make fast poems. And other people would say, no, this is the fourth industrial revolution or whatever. And so I think part of the reason we're sort of uncomfortable with the oh let's just move the electrons to where they're who's going to pay for them most is because I don't think a lot of people there are a lot of people who intuitively are skeptical that this is a good allocation of real resources

没错。我的意思是,我认为在政治上,电费必须上涨,以便人工智能能够发挥作用,而你可能会失业,这是一个极其令人难以接受的信息。不,这完全是,我认为这就是为什么它会毁掉很多人的品牌。但另一方面,如果我们接受,你知道,市场通常是资源的良好分配者等等,他们会说:“嗯,这不是我们的工作,我们不需要对这是否是好的用途发表意见。”但无论如何,我确实觉得这是一次非常有趣的对话。那些必须决定在升级和容量方面投入多少资金的委员会,他们现在确实面临着艰巨的任务。

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right I mean I think politically the message that the cost of your electricity has to go up so that AI can do its thing and you can lose your job is an extremely unpalatable one. No, it's totally it's totally I think this is why it's going to like break a lot of people's brands. But on the other hand, if we accept that, you know, the belief that markets are generally good allocators of resources, etc., they're like, well, it's not really our job to have an opinion on this is a good use, this is not a good use. But anyway, I I did find that to be a very um interesting conversation. It does seem like those commissions that have to decide what is an appropriate amount to spend on upgrades and capacity, they really have their uh work cut out for them right now.

是的。我的意思是,他们并不是在各自管辖区中最受欢迎的人。这是肯定的。

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Yeah. The way I would put it is they are not always the most popular people among their respective jurisdictions. That's for sure.

嗯,总得有人做那些不受欢迎的工作,对吧?总得有人充分补偿公用事业投资者,以弥补他们在提供生活和第四次工业革命所需商品方面承担的风险。

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Well, someone has to have the job of doing the unpopular stuff, right? Someone has to have the job of adequately compensating investors in utilities for the risks that they take on in providing a necessary commodity for life and the fourth industrial revolution.

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That's right. All right. Shall we leave it there? Let's leave it there. This has been another episode of the OddLotss podcast. I'm Tracy Aloway. You can follow me at Tracy. And I'm Jill Weisenthal. You can follow me at the stalwart. Follow our guest Travis Cavula. He's tavula. Follow our producers Carmen Rodriguez at Carmen Armano Bennett at-bot and Kaleb Brooks at kalebrooks. For more OddLots content, go to bloomberg.com/odlots where we have the daily newsletter and all of our episodes. And you can chat about all these topics 247 in our Discord, discord.gg/odlotss.

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