诺贝尔奖得主谈乌克兰的民主之战
亚历山德拉·马特维丘克(Alexandra Matviichuk: 2022年诺贝尔和平奖得主,乌克兰人权律师)是公民自由中心(Center for Civil Liberties: 2022年诺贝尔和平奖共同获奖机构)的主席,该组织于2022年获得了诺贝尔和平奖(Nobel Peace Prize: 旨在表彰为促进民族团结、裁军或和平会议做出贡献的人)。
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Alexandra Mattvichuk is chairwoman of the Center for Civil Liberties, the same group that won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2022.
自俄罗斯入侵以来,她一直致力于提高人们对战争罪行和其他侵犯人权行为的认识。
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Since the Russian invasion, she's been raising awareness of war crimes and other human rights abuses.
我与她坐下来,讨论了民主、外交以及唐纳德·特朗普在和平谈判中扮演的角色。
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I sat down with her to talk about democracy, diplomacy, and the role Donald Trump is playing in peace talks.
亚历山德拉,非常感谢您抽出时间。您今天过得怎么样?
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>> Alexandra, thank you so much for taking the time. How are you today?
我很好。谢谢您的邀请。
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I'm fine. Thank you for invitation.
最近,我们看到了一系列旨在促成乌克兰和俄罗斯之间达成和平协议的外交努力。然而,您最近写了一篇文章,题为《交易性外交(Transactional diplomacy: 仅基于地缘政治利益而非人权和价值观的外交策略)无法为乌克兰带来和平》。您所说的“交易性外交”是什么意思?
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>> Recently, we have seen a flurry of diplomatic efforts to bring a peace deal between Ukraine and Russia. Yet, you recently wrote a piece titled, "Transactional diplomacy cannot bring peace to Ukraine. What do you mean by transactional diplomacy?"
我的意思是,当你仅仅基于地缘政治利益来做出政治决策时,即使你能在短期内获益,我们所有人最终都将在长期面临灾难。
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I mean that when you based your political decision only on geopolitical interests even if you benefit in the short term we will all await for catastrophe in the long term and that's why we must base our decision not only on geopolitical interest but on human rights and freedom
这就是为什么我们必须将决策建立在人权和自由之上,而不仅仅是地缘政治利益。
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and that's why we must base our decision not only on geopolitical interest but on human rights and freedom
被忽视的人道维度
就目前正在进行的谈判而言,您认为这些谈判缺少了什么?如果不是交易性外交,它们应该关注什么?
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>> in terms of the the negotiations that are happening right now. What do you think is missing from those? If it's not transactional diplomacy, what should they be focusing on?
看看最近几个月发生了什么。我们听到了很多关于自然资源、俄罗斯的领土主张、地缘政治利益,甚至关于泽连斯基的西装,但我们没有听到关于人民的声音,这是不对的。
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>> Look what's going on. Recent months, we heard a lot about natural minerals, Russia's territorial claims, geopolitical interests, even about Zilinski suit, but we didn't hear about people, and it's not okay.
我们仍然不知道超过2万名与家人分离并被非法驱逐到俄罗斯的乌克兰儿童将面临什么。
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We still have no idea what will be with more than 20,000 Ukrainian children separated with their families and illegally deported to Russia.
成千上万被非法拘禁的平民,包括男性和女性,以及每天遭受可怕酷刑和性虐待的战俘将面临什么。
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What will be with thousands and thousands illegally detained civilians, men and women as well as prisoners of the war subjected to horrible torture and sexual abuse daily.
以及在俄罗斯占领下的人民总体上将面临什么?
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And what will be with people in Russian occupation in general?
我们谈论的是数百万生活在“灰色地带”的人民。他们没有任何工具来捍卫自己的权利、自由、财产、生命、孩子和挚爱。
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We speak about millions millions of people who live in gray zone. They have no tools how to defend their rights, their freedom, their property, their life, their children and their beloved ones.
因此,我们必须将“人道维度”重新带回谈判进程,因为没有人道维度,我们将永远找不到通往可持续和平的道路。
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So we must return human dimension into negotiation process because without human dimension we will never find a path to sustainable peace.
普京的真实意图与力量展示的必要性
您是否对美俄谈判未能与乌克兰达成协议感到惊讶?
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>> Were you surprised that USRussia talks were unable uh to secure a deal uh with Ukraine?
毫不意外,因为普京不想要和平。普京发动大规模战争不仅仅是为了占领乌克兰更多的土地。
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>> No surprise because Putin doesn't want peace. Putin started large scale war not just to occupy more part of Ukrainian land.
这不是一场为了阿夫迪伊夫卡或巴赫穆特的战争。大多数俄罗斯人甚至无法在地图上找到这些小小的乌克兰城市。
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It's not the war for Abdf K Bahmut. Majority of Russians can't find the tiny Ukrainian cities in the map.
普京发动大规模战争是因为他想占领并摧毁整个乌克兰,并进一步推进。他将乌克兰视为通往欧洲的桥梁。
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Putin started large scale war because he want to occupy and destroy the whole Ukraine and move further. He see Ukraine as a bridge to Europe.
他的逻辑是历史性的。他梦想着自己的遗产。他想强行恢复俄罗斯帝国。
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His logic is historical. He dreams about his legacy. He want to forcibly restore Russian Empire.
因此,要让普京停下来,仅仅铺上红毯是不够的。我们必须展示实力,让普京明白他不可能实现自己的目标。
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So in order to make Putin stop, it's not enough to roll in a red carpet. We must demonstrate strength to make Putin understand that it's impossible for him to achieve his goal.
追究战争罪责:设立特别法庭
您曾参与发起一项名为“普京审判庭(Tribunal for Putin: 旨在记录和追究俄罗斯在乌克兰战争中犯下的罪行,并呼吁设立特别法庭)”的倡议。这项倡议的目标是什么?它与公民自由中心所做的其他工作有何不同?
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>> You were part of a group that started an initiative called called Tribunal for Putin. What is the objective and how is this different uh from sort of the other work that the center for civil liberties has done?
我们是第一个在2014年向克里米亚和乌克兰东部地区派遣流动小组,记录战争罪行的人权组织。
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We were the first human rights organization who sent mobile groups to work on documentation of war crimes in Crimea and eastern regions in Ukraine in 2014.
但当大规模战争爆发时,我们面临着大量的罪行。因此,我们建立了由当地记录员组成的全国网络,覆盖了包括被占领土在内的整个国家。
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But when large scale war started, we faced with enormous amount of crimes. So we built national network of local documentators and covered the whole country including the occupied territories.
现在,在我们的“普京审判庭”倡议数据库中,我们有超过91,000起战争罪行事件,这是一个巨大的数字,但仍然只是冰山一角。
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And now in our database of Tribunal for Putin initiative, we have more than 91,000 episodes of war crimes, which is a huge amount, but still just the tip of the iceberg.
所有这些暴行之所以可能,仅仅是因为普京及其身边的人决定打破和平,发动这场血腥的战争。
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And all these atrocities are possible only because Putin and his surrounding decided to break the peace and to start this bloody war.
所以他们必须承担责任,这就是为什么我们倡导设立一个针对侵略罪行的特别法庭。
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So they must to be accountable and that's why we advocating to create a special tribunal on aggression.
您谈到了问责制,但已经有国际法院(International Court of Justice: 联合国的主要司法机关)和欧盟(European Union: 欧洲政治经济联盟)等机构。您为什么觉得我们需要这个法庭?
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>> You speak of accountability but there are institutions already the international court of justice. You have the European Union as well. Why do you feel we need this tribunal?
因为我们存在问责空白。没有国际法庭可以起诉普京的侵略罪(crime of aggression: 指一个国家对另一个国家主权、领土完整或政治独立使用武力)。
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>> Because we have accountability gap. There is no international court which can prosecute Putin for the crime of aggression.
但这不仅仅对乌克兰人很重要。如果我们想在未来防止战争,我们就必须惩罚那些在当下发动此类战争的国家及其领导人。
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But it's not just important for Ukrainians. If you want to prevent wars in the future, we have to punish the states and their leaders who start such wars in present.
这听起来像是常识,但即使是海牙的国际刑事法院(International Criminal Court: 审判犯有灭绝种族罪、危害人类罪、战争罪和侵略罪的个人)也没有管辖权来起诉俄罗斯对乌克兰发动侵略战争的情况下的侵略罪。
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It sounds like a common sense, but even international criminal court in the H has no jurisdiction to prosecute for the crime of aggression in situation of Russian war of aggression against Ukraine.
所以我们必须填补这个空白,设立这样一个特别法庭,以表明如果你在未来发动战争,你将受到惩罚。
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So we must to fill this gap and to create such special tribunal to to to show that if you will start the war in the future you will be punished.
世界秩序的崩溃与民主的脆弱性
您是否觉得这些机构让乌克兰人失望了?我知道您提到了其中的空白,但这些我提到的机构……
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>> Do you feel that these institutions have let Ukrainians down? I know you speak of the gaps there but uh these institutions that I had mentioned
这是一个普遍的问题。
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>> it's a general problem.
我不知道未来的历史学家会如何称呼这个历史时期,但基于联合国宪章(UN Charter: 联合国成立的条约,规定了其宗旨、原则和组织结构)和国际法的世界秩序正在我们眼前崩溃。
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I don't know how historians in future will call this historical period but the world order which is based on UN charter and international law is collapsing before our eyes.
这个系统是在第二次世界大战后创建的,旨在防止战争和大规模暴力。但现在我们只是在重复仪式性的动作,原因显而易见。
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This system was created after the second world war to prevent wars and mass violence. But now we're just stolen and reproducing ritualistic movements for the obvious reason.
即使我的智能手机也有保质期。这个系统从未被改革过。现在,由于俄罗斯在安理会拥有否决权,它已经完全瘫痪。
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Even my smartphone has an expiration date. This system has never been reformed. Now it's totally paralyzed with a we power of Russia in security council.
我想问您最近在一篇文章中写到的一些内容,您写道:“当代人从祖父母那里继承了民主。他们开始认为这是理所当然的。他们已经成为民主的消费者。他们对自由的理解,就是有机会在超市里选择不同的奶酪。”作为加拿大人,我们现在与乌克兰人生活在非常不同的现实中。请帮助我们理解,将民主视为理所当然的弊端是什么。
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>> I'd like to ask you about something you wrote in a recent essay and and you write current generations inherited democracy from their grandparents. They began to take it for granted. They've become consumers of democracy. Their understanding of freedom is the opportunity to choose between different cheeses in the supermarket. We are living very different realities as Canadians compared to Ukrainians right now. Help us understand what is the downside of taking democracy for granted.
直接影响是,在发展良好的民主国家中,当代人首先开始质疑世界人权宣言(Universal Declaration of Human Rights: 联合国大会于1948年通过的,旨在保障所有人的基本人权的文件),其次,他们开始用自己的自由去换取民粹主义者所宣称的经济利益,以及最重要的是,换取他们自己的舒适。
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The direct impact uh is that current generations in well-developed democracies. They first start to put into questions the universal declaration of human rights and second they start to exchange their freedoms for populist claim for economic benefits and first and foremost for their own comfort.
他们忘记了自由和人权并非一劳永逸。我们每天都在做出自己的选择。
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They forget that you can't attain your freedom and human rights once and forever. We make our own choice every day.
乌克兰人的希望
尽管您的国家经历了这一切,是什么给了像您这样的乌克兰人希望?
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>> Despite everything that your country has gone through, what gives Ukrainians like you hope?
我认为我们必须正确定义希望,因为希望并非是对一切都会好起来的信心。
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>> I think we must define the hope properly because hope it's not a confidence that everything will be fine.
希望是一种深刻的理解,即我们所有的努力都具有巨大的意义。
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Hope it's a deep understanding that all our efforts have a huge meaning.
我从自己作为人权律师的经验中得知,在法律失效的情况下,当你无法依赖国际和平与安全体系时,你仍然可以依赖人民,普通人可以做非凡的事情。
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And I know from my own experience being a human rights lawyer in situation when the law doesn't work that when you can't rely on the international system of peace and security you can still rely on people and ordinary people can do extraordinary things.
亚历山德拉,我们就谈到这里。非常感谢您,祝您一切顺利。
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>> Alexandra we're going to leave it there. Thank you so much and wishing you all the best.
非常感谢。
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>> Thank you very much.