凯恩斯经济学
凯恩斯经济学(Keynesian economics: 由约翰·梅纳德·凯恩斯创立的经济学派,主张政府干预以稳定经济)由约翰·梅纳德·凯恩斯(John Maynard Keynes)在其1936年的著作《就业、利息和货币通论》(The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money)中提出,通过挑战市场会自动自我修正的古典假设,彻底改变了经济思想。凯恩斯认为,经济体可能在存在高失业率的情况下达到均衡,从而证明了政府干预的合理性。
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Keynesian economics, developed by John Maynard Keynes in his 1936 work *The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money*, revolutionized economic thinking by challenging classical assumptions that markets automatically self-correct. Keynes argued that economies could reach equilibrium with high unemployment, thereby justifying government intervention.
总需求(Aggregate demand: 经济体中对商品和服务的总支出,包括消费、投资、政府支出和净出口)被凯恩斯认为是经济衰退的主要原因,当总需求不足时,经济重心从供给侧转移。他主张政府干预(Government intervention: 政府通过财政和货币政策影响经济活动),即在经济衰退期间私人支出下降时,政府应增加支出并减税以刺激需求并恢复充分就业。这种逆周期方法(Countercyclical approach: 旨在通过在经济周期不同阶段采取相反政策来平滑经济波动的策略)旨在平滑商业周期。
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**Aggregate demand**, defined as the total spending on goods and services in an economy (consumption plus investment plus government spending plus net exports), was identified by Keynes as the primary cause of recessions when insufficient, shifting focus from supply-side concerns. He advocated for **government intervention**: when private spending falls during downturns, governments should increase spending and cut taxes to stimulate demand and restore full employment. This **countercyclical approach** aims to smooth business cycles.
乘数效应(Multiplier effect: 初始政府支出通过连锁反应产生比原始支出更多的经济活动的现象)描述了初始政府支出如何产生连锁反应,从而产生比原始支出更多的经济活动;例如,一项10亿美元的基础设施项目可能会在工人花费其收入时产生15亿美元的总经济活动。流动性偏好(Liquidity preference: 凯恩斯解释人们为何持有现金而非投资的理论,出于交易、预防和投机动机)是凯恩斯解释人们为何出于交易、预防和投机等原因持有现金而非投资的理论,它支撑了利率的确定和货币政策的有效性。
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The **multiplier effect** describes the phenomenon where initial government spending creates a ripple effect, generating more economic activity than the original expenditure; for example, a $1 billion infrastructure project might generate $1.5 billion in total economic activity as workers spend their incomes. **Liquidity preference** is Keynes's theory explaining why people hold cash rather than investing, for reasons such as transactions, precaution, and speculation, which underpins interest rate determination and monetary policy effectiveness.
古典经济学
古典经济学(Classical economics: 亚当·斯密创立的经济学派,主张自由市场和有限政府干预)源于亚当·斯密(Adam Smith)的《国富论》(The Wealth of Nations),倡导自由市场(Free markets: 价格由供需自然力量决定,政府干预最小化的市场),认为在没有政府干预的情况下,个人自利会带来最优结果。这一基础框架塑造了近一个世纪的经济思想。
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**Classical economics** emerged from Adam Smith's *The Wealth of Nations*, advocating for **free markets** where self-interest drives optimal outcomes without government interference. This foundational framework shaped economic thought for nearly a century.
斯密的看不见的手(Invisible hand: 亚当·斯密提出的比喻,指个人追求私利无意中促进社会整体经济福祉的机制)这一比喻描述了个人在追求自身利益时,如何无意中促进了社会的经济福祉;当人们在竞争性市场中追逐利润时,他们会有效地分配资源,在没有中央计划的情况下创造更大的繁荣。古典经济学家认为,市场在不受干预的情况下运作最佳,价格由自然的供需力量决定,因此反对关税、价格管制和过度监管,这些都会扭曲这些自然机制。
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Smith's metaphor of the **invisible hand** describes how individuals pursuing self-interest unintentionally promote society's economic welfare; when people chase profits in competitive markets, they efficiently allocate resources, creating greater prosperity without central planning. Classical economists believe markets function best when left alone, with prices determined by natural supply and demand forces, and thus oppose tariffs, price controls, and excessive regulations that distort these natural mechanisms.
由让-巴蒂斯特·萨伊(Jean-Baptiste Say)提出的萨伊定律(Say's Law: 供给创造自身需求的经济学原理)认为供给创造其自身的需求:生产商品会产生用于购买其他商品的收入,使得在正常运作的市场中普遍的生产过剩成为不可能。比较优势(Comparative advantage: 大卫·李嘉图提出的理论,指国家通过专注于生产相对效率最高的商品并进行贸易来获益)是大卫·李嘉图(David Ricardo)的理论,它表明国家如何通过专注于生产相对于其他国家效率最高的商品,然后进行贸易来获益,从而增加全球生产和消费,即使一个国家在所有商品的生产上都更有效率。
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**Say's Law**, proposed by Jean-Baptiste Say, posits that supply creates its own demand: producing goods generates income used to purchase other goods, making general overproduction impossible in functioning markets. **Comparative advantage**, David Ricardo's theory, demonstrates how countries benefit from specializing in goods they produce most efficiently relative to others and then trading, thereby increasing global production and consumption, even when one nation produces everything more efficiently.
货币主义
货币主义(Monetarism: 米尔顿·弗里德曼创立的经济学派,强调货币供给对经济稳定性的重要性),主要由米尔顿·弗里德曼(Milton Friedman)在20世纪中期发展起来,它通过将不稳定的货币供给(Money supply: 经济体中流通的货币总量)而非需求不足,确定为经济不稳定的主要原因,从而挑战了凯恩斯主义的主导地位。货币主义者认为,中央银行应专注于维持货币供给的稳定、可预测增长,而不是操纵利率或进行相机抉择的干预。
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**Monetarism**, developed primarily by Milton Friedman in the mid-20th century, challenged Keynesian dominance by identifying erratic **money supply** (the total amount of money circulating in an economy), not insufficient demand, as the primary cause of economic instability. Monetarists argue that central banks should focus on maintaining steady, predictable growth in the money supply rather than manipulating interest rates or engaging in discretionary intervention.
自然失业率(Natural rate of unemployment: 经济在不加速通货膨胀的情况下可以维持的最低可持续失业率)是经济在不加速通货膨胀的情况下可以维持的最低可持续失业率;货币主义者认为,政府试图将失业率推至低于这一均衡水平只会导致通货膨胀,而不会创造持久的就业机会。货币数量论(Quantity theory of money: 货币供给变化与物价水平成比例关系的原理)是货币供给变化与物价水平成比例关系的原理,意味着货币供给翻倍最终会导致物价翻倍。这种关系构成了通过货币纪律控制通货膨胀的基础。
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The **natural rate of unemployment** is the lowest sustainable unemployment rate an economy can maintain without accelerating inflation; monetarists argue that government attempts to push unemployment below this equilibrium level will only generate inflation rather than create lasting jobs. The **quantity theory of money** is the principle that changes in the money supply proportionally affect price levels, meaning doubling the money supply eventually doubles prices. This relationship forms the foundation for controlling inflation through monetary discipline.
弗里德曼主张用固定的货币规则(Monetary rules: 预设的货币政策规则,而非中央银行的相机抉择)来替代中央银行的相机抉择决策,用于货币供给增长,他认为可预测的政策比反应性干预能产生更好的结果,因为反应性干预往往为时过晚或会造成额外的经济不稳定。
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Friedman advocated replacing discretionary central bank decisions with fixed **monetary rules** for money supply growth, believing predictable policy produces better outcomes than reactive intervention, which often arrives too late or creates additional instability.
供给侧经济学
供给侧经济学(Supply-side economics: 强调通过减少生产障碍和激励措施来促进经济增长的学派)在20世纪70年代凯恩斯主义方法失效的滞胀危机期间兴起。供给侧经济学家不关注需求,而是强调生产激励,认为经济增长来自于减少商品和服务供给的障碍。
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**Supply-side economics** emerged during the 1970s stagflation crisis when Keynesian approaches faltered. Rather than focusing on demand, supply-siders emphasize production incentives, arguing economic growth comes from reducing barriers to supplying goods and services.
经济学家阿瑟·拉弗(Arthur Laffer)的拉弗曲线(Laffer curve: 一种图示,表明在某个点之后,降低税率可以通过刺激经济活动产生更高的政府收入)表明,在某个点之后,较低的税率可以通过刺激经济活动产生更高的政府收入。这条曲线表明,0%和100%的税率都会产生零收入,而最佳税率介于两者之间。
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The **Laffer curve**, economist Arthur Laffer's illustration, shows that beyond a certain point, lower tax rates can generate higher government revenue by stimulating economic activity. This curve demonstrates that both 0% and 100% tax rates yield zero revenue, with an optimal rate somewhere in between.
供给侧经济学家主张减税(Tax cuts: 降低税率以刺激经济活动),特别是降低企业和高收入者的边际税率,以鼓励工作、储蓄、投资和创业,因为较低的税率会增加生产性活动的税后回报。涓滴效应(Trickle-down effect: 认为对企业和富人减税的利益最终会通过增加投资、创造就业和经济增长流向中低收入群体的理论)是指对企业和富人减税的利益最终会通过增加投资、创造就业和经济增长流向中低收入群体的理论。放松管制(Deregulation: 移除增加企业成本和限制市场进入的政府法规)涉及移除增加企业成本和限制市场进入的政府法规,从而使企业家和企业能够更有效地运作并响应市场信号。
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Supply-siders advocate **tax cuts**, particularly reducing marginal tax rates for businesses and high-income earners, to encourage work, saving, investment, and entrepreneurship, as lower rates increase after-tax returns on productive activities. The **trickle-down effect** is the theory that benefits from tax cuts for businesses and wealthy individuals eventually flow to middle and lower-income groups through increased investment, job creation, and economic growth. **Deregulation** involves removing government regulations that increase business costs and restrict market entry, allowing entrepreneurs and businesses to operate more efficiently and respond to market signals more effectively.
马克思主义经济学
马克思主义经济学(Marxist economics: 卡尔·马克思创立的经济学派,批判资本主义的剥削性和危机倾向),由卡尔·马克思(Karl Marx)在1867年的《资本论》(Das Capital)中提出,对资本主义进行了激进的批判,将其分析为一个由阶级冲突驱动的、本质上具有剥削性和危机倾向的系统。
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**Marxist economics**, developed by Karl Marx in *Das Capital* (1867), provides a radical critique of capitalism, analyzing it as an inherently exploitative and crisis-prone system driven by class conflict.
劳动价值论(Labor theory of value: 商品的价值来源于生产它所需的社会必要劳动时间的原则)是商品价值来源于生产它所需的社会必要劳动时间的原则。马克思认为,这揭示了资本家如何从工人那里榨取剩余价值(Surplus value: 工人创造的价值与他们获得的工资之间的差额)而工人获得的工资低于他们创造的价值。马克思将剩余价值确定为资本家利润的来源和剥削的基本机制,因为资本家占有了工人劳动创造的价值。
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The **labor theory of value** is the principle that a commodity's value derives from the socially necessary labor time required for its production. Marx argued this reveals how capitalists extract **surplus value** (the difference between the value workers produce and the wages they receive) from workers, who receive wages worth less than the value they create. Marx identified surplus value as the source of capitalist profit and the fundamental mechanism of exploitation, as capitalists appropriate value created by workers' labor.
阶级斗争(Class struggle: 拥有生产资料的资本家与出卖劳动力的工人之间持续的冲突)是拥有生产资料的资本家与出卖劳动力的工人之间持续的冲突。马克思将这种对立视为历史和资本主义发展的驱动力。资本积累(Capital accumulation: 资本家再投资利润以扩大生产和增加资本的过程)是资本家再投资利润以扩大生产和增加资本的过程。这种竞争性需求导致机械化、工人失业、利润率下降和周期性危机——马克思认为这些矛盾最终将瓦解资本主义。
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**Class struggle** is the ongoing conflict between capitalists, who own the means of production, and workers, who sell their labor power. Marx viewed this antagonism as the driving force of history and capitalism's development. **Capital accumulation** is the process whereby capitalists reinvest profits to expand production and increase capital. This competitive imperative leads to mechanization, worker displacement, falling profit rates, and recurring crises—contradictions Marx believed would ultimately undermine capitalism.
奥地利学派经济学
奥地利学派经济学(Austrian School economics: 强调方法论个人主义、主观价值论和对政府干预持怀疑态度的经济学派),由卡尔·门格尔(Carl Menger)、路德维希·冯·米塞斯(Ludwig von Mises)和弗里德里希·哈耶克(Friedrich Hayek)发展而来,提供了一种独特的经济分析方法,强调方法论个人主义、主观估值和对政府干预的怀疑。
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**Austrian School economics**, developed by Carl Menger, Ludwig von Mises, and Friedrich Hayek, offers a distinctive approach to economic analysis, emphasizing methodological individualism, subjective valuation, and skepticism of government intervention.
自发秩序(Spontaneous order: 复杂社会制度和安排(如市场、语言、法律)在没有中央计划的情况下自然从个人行为中产生的概念)是指复杂的社会制度和安排(如市场、语言、法律)在没有中央计划的情况下自然从个人行为中产生的概念。奥地利学派认为,这些去中心化系统通过汇集分散的知识,优于设计好的替代方案。
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**Spontaneous order** is the concept that complex social institutions and arrangements (such as markets, language, and law) emerge naturally from individual actions without central planning. Austrians argue these decentralized systems outperform designed alternatives by aggregating dispersed knowledge.
主观价值论(Subjective theory of value: 价值来源于主观个人偏好而非劳动或固有属性的原则)认为价值并非来源于劳动或固有属性,而是来源于主观的个人偏好;物品之所以有价值,仅仅是因为个人赋予它们价值,这解释了为什么尽管水对生存的效用更大,但钻石的价格却高于水。哈耶克(Hayek)的知识问题(Knowledge problem: 经济知识分散在无数个体中,中央计划无法有效整合的观察)是观察到经济知识分散在数百万个体之中,使得中央计划变得不可能;市场价格比任何规划者都能更有效地传递这种去中心化的信息。
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The **subjective theory of value** posits that value derives not from labor or inherent properties, but from subjective individual preferences; items are valuable only because individuals value them, explaining why diamonds outweigh water in price despite water's greater utility for survival. Hayek's **knowledge problem** is the observation that economic knowledge is dispersed among millions of individuals, making central planning impossible; market prices transmit this decentralized information more efficiently than any planner could consolidate it.
他们的商业周期理论(Business cycle theory: 奥地利学派解释经济繁荣与衰退的理论,认为央行对利率的操纵导致不可持续的投资模式)解释了经济繁荣和衰退,认为中央银行对利率的操纵创造了不可持续的投资模式,扭曲了资本结构,并不可避免地导致修正。
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Their **business cycle theory** explains booms and busts as central bank manipulation of interest rates creating unsustainable investment patterns, distorting the capital structure, and inevitably leading to corrections.
新古典经济学
新古典经济学(Neoclassical economics: 19世纪70年代兴起,通过引入数学形式和边际分析改造古典经济学的学派),于19世纪70年代通过阿尔弗雷德·马歇尔(Alfred Marshall)、莱昂·瓦尔拉斯(Léon Walras)和威廉·斯坦利·杰文斯(William Stanley Jevons)的努力而兴起,通过引入数学形式和边际分析(Marginal analysis: 分析额外一单位产品或服务所带来的额外收益和成本)改造了古典经济学,成为现代经济学的主导框架。
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**Neoclassical economics**, emerging in the 1870s through Alfred Marshall, Léon Walras, and William Stanley Jevons, transformed classical economics by introducing mathematical formalism and **marginal analysis**, becoming modern economics' dominant framework.
边际效用(Marginal utility: 消费额外一单位商品所获得的额外满足感)是指消费额外一单位商品所获得的额外满足感。新古典经济学家证明,价值来源于这种边际效用而非总效用,这解释了为什么水(总效用高但边际效用低)的价格低于钻石(总效用低但边际效用高)。
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**Marginal utility** is the additional satisfaction gained from consuming one more unit of a good. Neoclassicals demonstrated that value derives from this marginal utility, not total utility, explaining why water (high total but low marginal utility) costs less than diamonds (low total but high marginal utility).
理性选择理论(Rational choice theory: 假设个体在给定信息和约束下,通过权衡成本和收益来做出最大化个人效用的逻辑决策)是假设个体在给定信息和约束下,通过权衡每个选项的成本和收益来做出最大化个人效用的逻辑决策。这一框架使得决策的数学建模成为可能。
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**Rational choice theory** is the assumption that individuals make logical decisions to maximize personal utility, weighing the costs and benefits of each option given available information and constraints. This framework enables mathematical modeling of decision-making.
一般均衡(General equilibrium: 莱昂·瓦尔拉斯的模型,展示所有市场如何同时确定平衡供需的价格)是莱昂·瓦尔拉斯的模型,展示了所有市场如何同时确定在整个经济范围内平衡供需的价格;与分析单一市场的局部均衡不同,这种方法揭示了相互关联的定价系统。完全竞争(Perfect competition: 具有许多小卖家、提供相同产品、信息完全且无进入壁垒的市场结构)描述了一种市场结构,其中有许多小卖家提供相同的产品,信息完全且没有进入壁垒,从而将价格推向边际成本并优化资源配置。
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**General equilibrium** is Léon Walras's model showing how all markets simultaneously determine prices that balance supply and demand economy-wide; unlike partial equilibrium, which analyzes single markets, this approach reveals interconnected pricing systems. **Perfect competition** describes a market structure with many small sellers offering identical products with perfect information and no barriers to entry, pushing prices toward marginal costs and optimizing resource allocation.
博弈论
博弈论(Game theory: 研究理性决策者之间战略互动,其中结果取决于所有参与者选择的理论),由约翰·冯·诺伊曼(John von Neumann)、奥斯卡·摩根斯坦(Oskar Morgenstern)和约翰·纳什(John Nash)彻底改变,分析了理性决策者之间的战略互动,其中结果取决于所有参与者做出的选择。
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**Game theory**, revolutionized by John von Neumann, Oskar Morgenstern, and John Nash, analyzes strategic interactions between rational decision-makers where outcomes depend on choices made by all participants.
纳什均衡(Nash equilibrium: 一种状态,每个参与者在给定其他参与者策略的情况下选择其最优策略,没有单方面偏离的动机)是一种状态,其中每个参与者在给定其他参与者策略的情况下选择其最优策略,并且没有单方面偏离的动机。这个强大的概念解释了从定价决策到军备竞赛等竞争情况中的稳定结果。
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**Nash equilibrium** is a state where each player chooses their optimal strategy given the strategies of others, with no incentive to deviate unilaterally. This powerful concept explains stable outcomes in competitive situations, from pricing decisions to arms races.
囚徒困境(Prisoner's Dilemma: 一种情景,两个理性个体尽管互利,但可能不合作)是一种情景,其中两个理性个体尽管互利,但可能不合作;当两名被隔离的囚犯各自面临因背叛对方而减刑的情况时,理性的自利行为导致两人都认罪,从而产生比相互沉默更糟糕的结果,这表明个体理性如何导致集体非理性。
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The **Prisoner's Dilemma** is a scenario where two rational individuals might not cooperate despite mutual benefit; when two isolated prisoners each face reduced sentences for betraying the other, rational self-interest leads both to confess, producing worse outcomes than mutual silence, thus demonstrating how individual rationality can create collective irrationality.
战略互动(Strategic interaction: 明确考虑他人潜在反应的决策过程)是指明确考虑他人潜在反应的决策。与传统经济学中代理人只对价格做出反应不同,博弈论研究参与者如何预测和影响竞争对手的选择。零和博弈与非零和博弈(Zero-sum versus non-zero-sum games: 零和博弈中一方的收益等于另一方的损失,非零和博弈中允许共同收益或损失)区分了互动:在零和互动(如扑克或国际象棋)中,一个参与者的收益等于另一个参与者的损失,而非零和情况(如贸易或气候合作)允许共同收益或损失,从而能够分析冲突与合作。
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**Strategic interaction** refers to decision-making that explicitly accounts for others' potential responses. Unlike traditional economics, where agents respond only to prices, game theory examines how actors anticipate and influence competitors' choices. **Zero-sum versus non-zero-sum games** differentiate interactions: in zero-sum interactions (like poker or chess), one player's gain equals another's loss, while non-zero-sum situations (like trade or climate cooperation) allow for mutual gains or losses, enabling both conflict and cooperation analysis.
行为经济学
行为经济学(Behavioral economics: 结合心理学洞察力挑战新古典理性经济人假设的学派),由心理学家丹尼尔·卡尼曼(Daniel Kahneman)和阿莫斯·特沃斯基(Amos Tversky)以及经济学家理查德·塞勒(Richard Thaler)开创,通过融入心理学洞察力,挑战了新古典经济学关于理性经济行为者的假设。
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**Behavioral economics**, pioneered by psychologists Daniel Kahneman and Amos Tversky and economists like Richard Thaler, challenges the neoclassical assumption of rational economic actors by incorporating psychological insights.
损失厌恶(Loss aversion: 倾向于避免损失而非获得同等收益的心理倾向)是指人们倾向于避免损失而非获得同等收益;损失带来的痛苦通常是收益带来快乐的两倍。这解释了现状偏差(Status quo bias: 倾向于维持现有状态的认知偏差)、禀赋效应(Endowment effect: 人们对自己拥有的物品赋予更高价值的倾向)以及投资决策中的风险厌恶(Risk aversion: 面对不确定性时,倾向于选择风险较低选项的倾向)。
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**Loss aversion** is the tendency to prefer avoiding losses over acquiring equivalent gains; losses typically hurt about twice as much as gains feel good. This explains **status quo bias**, the **endowment effect**, and **risk aversion** in investment decisions.
前景理论(Prospect theory: 卡尼曼和特沃斯基提出的理论,认为人们根据参考点而非最终状态评估结果,并在不确定性下对低概率事件高估,对高概率事件低估)是卡尼曼和特沃斯基提出的替代预期效用理论的理论,它表明人们根据参考点而非最终状态评估结果,并在不确定性下做出决策时,会高估低概率事件而低估高概率事件。
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**Prospect theory**, Kahneman and Tversky's alternative to expected utility theory, demonstrates that people evaluate outcomes relative to reference points rather than final states, overweighting low probabilities and underweighting high probabilities when making decisions under uncertainty.
赫伯特·西蒙(Herbert Simon)的有限理性(Bounded rationality: 赫伯特·西蒙提出的概念,指人类在决策时面临认知局限,通常选择满足最低标准的可接受方案而非最优方案)概念认识到人类在决策时面临认知局限;人们通常不是寻求最优解,而是通过选择满足最低标准的可接受解决方案来“满意化”。心理账户(Mental accounting: 人们根据主观标准(如来源或预期用途)对金钱进行分类和区别对待的倾向)描述了人们根据主观标准(如来源或预期用途)对金钱进行分类和区别对待的倾向,这违反了货币是可替代的经济原则,并解释了诸如为退休储蓄同时背负高利率债务等行为。
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**Bounded rationality**, Herbert Simon's concept, recognizes that humans face cognitive limitations when making decisions; rather than optimizing, people typically "satisfice" by selecting acceptable solutions that meet minimum criteria. **Mental accounting** describes people's tendency to categorize and treat money differently based on subjective criteria like source or intended use, violating the economic principle that money is fungible, and explaining behaviors like saving for retirement while carrying high-interest debt.
新制度经济学
新制度经济学(New Institutional Economics, NIE: 罗纳德·科斯等人开创,通过分析制度如何塑造经济绩效来扩展新古典理论),由罗纳德·科斯(Ronald Coase)、道格拉斯·诺斯(Douglass North)和奥利弗·威廉姆森(Oliver Williamson)开创,通过分析制度(Institutions: 塑造经济绩效和结果的正式规则和非正式约束)——即正式规则和非正式约束——如何塑造经济绩效和结果,扩展了新古典理论。
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**New Institutional Economics** (NIE), pioneered by Ronald Coase, Douglass North, and Oliver Williamson, extends neoclassical theory by analyzing how **institutions** (formal rules and informal constraints) shape economic performance and outcomes.
交易成本(Transaction costs: 在经济交换中除了产品价格本身之外产生的费用,包括搜索、谈判和执行成本)是在经济交换中除了产品价格本身之外产生的费用,包括搜索、谈判和执行成本。新制度经济学利用这些来解释为什么当市场理论上可以协调所有活动时,公司仍然存在。
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**Transaction costs** are expenses incurred when making economic exchanges beyond the price of the product itself, including search, bargaining, and enforcement costs. NIE uses these to explain why firms exist when markets could theoretically coordinate all activities.
产权(Property rights: 决定资源如何使用、转让和保护的法律框架)是决定资源如何使用、转让和保护的法律框架。新制度经济学表明,明确且安全的产权通过为经济行为者提供确定性,从而鼓励投资和高效的资源配置。
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**Property rights** are legal frameworks determining how resources can be used, transferred, and protected. NIE demonstrates how well-defined, secure property rights encourage investment and efficient resource allocation by providing certainty for economic actors.
路径依赖(Path dependence: 历史事件和初始制度选择限制未来可能性的概念)是指历史事件和初始制度选择限制未来可能性的概念,这解释了为什么低效的安排会持续存在;过去的决策会创建自我强化的过程,使制度变革变得困难。治理结构(Governance structures: 在有限理性和机会主义条件下,旨在最小化交易成本的组织安排)是旨在在有限理性和机会主义条件下最小化交易成本的组织安排。新制度经济学分析了各种治理形式——市场、层级、网络和混合形式——如何出现以应对不同的交易特征。
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**Path dependence** is the concept that historical events and initial institutional choices constrain future possibilities, explaining why inefficient arrangements persist; past decisions create self-reinforcing processes that make institutional change difficult. **Governance structures** are organizational arrangements designed to minimize transaction costs under conditions of bounded rationality and opportunism. NIE analyzes how various governance forms—markets, hierarchies, networks, and hybrids—emerge to address different transaction characteristics.
新凯恩斯主义经济学
新凯恩斯主义经济学(New Keynesian economics: 约瑟夫·斯蒂格利茨等人发展,融合凯恩斯市场失灵洞察与新古典微观基础及理性预期的学派),由约瑟夫·斯蒂格利茨(Joseph Stiglitz)、格雷格·曼昆(Greg Mankiw)和珍妮特·耶伦(Janet Yellen)等经济学家自20世纪80年代以来发展,将凯恩斯主义关于市场失灵的洞察与新古典微观基础和理性预期相结合。
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**New Keynesian economics**, developed by economists like Joseph Stiglitz, Greg Mankiw, and Janet Yellen since the 1980s, reconciles Keynesian insights about market failures with neoclassical micro-foundations and rational expectations.
粘性价格和工资(Sticky prices and wages: 许多价格和工资调整缓慢而非瞬时响应经济变化的现象)是指许多价格和工资调整缓慢而非瞬时响应不断变化的经济状况的现象。合同义务、菜单成本(Menu costs: 企业在更改价格时产生的费用,如更新目录、重印菜单等)和社会规范造成了僵化,阻止了市场迅速出清。菜单成本是企业在更改价格时产生的费用,例如更新目录、重印菜单或重新编程系统。即使是小的菜单成本,也能理性地导致企业在条件变化的情况下维持价格,从而产生重要的宏观经济效应。
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**Sticky prices and wages** refer to the observation that many prices and wages adjust slowly rather than instantaneously to changing economic conditions. Contract obligations, **menu costs**, and social norms create rigidities that prevent markets from quickly clearing. **Menu costs** are the expenses businesses incur when changing prices, such as updating catalogs, reprinting menus, or reprogramming systems. Even small menu costs can rationally lead firms to maintain prices despite changed conditions, creating meaningful macroeconomic effects.
不完全竞争(Imperfect competition: 大多数现实世界市场中存在的垄断竞争或寡头垄断结构,而非完全竞争)描述了大多数现实世界市场,这些市场具有垄断竞争或寡头垄断而非完全竞争的特征。企业保留了一定的定价权,从而产生了需要干预的低效率。效率工资(Efficiency wages: 企业支付高于市场出清工资以提高生产力、降低离职率或吸引高素质员工的做法)是支付工人高于市场出清工资的做法,以提高生产力、降低离职率或吸引更高质量的员工。这解释了持续的失业是一种理性的雇主策略,而非市场失灵。
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**Imperfect competition** describes most real-world markets, which feature monopolistic competition or oligopoly rather than perfect competition. Firms retain some price-setting power, creating inefficiencies that justify intervention. **Efficiency wages** are the practice of paying workers above market-clearing wages to increase productivity, reduce turnover, or attract higher-quality employees. This explains persistent unemployment as a rational employer strategy rather than a market failure.
公共选择理论
公共选择理论(Public Choice Theory: 詹姆斯·布坎南等人发展,将经济分析应用于政治决策,挑战政府干预自动纠正市场失灵的假设),由詹姆斯·布坎南(James Buchanan)和戈登·图洛克(Gordon Tullock)在20世纪60年代发展,将经济分析应用于政治决策,挑战了政府干预会自动纠正市场失灵的假设。
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**Public Choice Theory**, developed by James Buchanan and Gordon Tullock in the 1960s, applies economic analysis to political decision-making, challenging assumptions that government intervention automatically corrects market failures.
寻租(Rent-seeking: 个人或团体花费资源以获取特殊政府特权、补贴、法规或关税,从而创造人为稀缺和财富转移的活动)是指个人或团体花费资源以获取特殊政府特权、补贴、法规或关税,从而创造人为稀缺和财富转移的活动。与创造价值的逐利行为不同,寻租在消耗资源的同时重新分配现有财富。
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**Rent-seeking** refers to activities where individuals or groups expend resources to obtain special government privileges, subsidies, regulations, or tariffs that create artificial scarcity and wealth transfers. Unlike profit-seeking, which creates value, rent-seeking redistributes existing wealth while consuming resources.
理性选民无知(Rational voter ignorance: 选民对政治问题保持无知,因为收集信息的个人成本超过预期收益的现象)解释了为什么选民对政治问题保持无知:收集信息的个人成本超过预期收益,因为个人投票很少能决定结果。这解释了为什么具有集中利益的特殊利益集团往往能胜过分散的公共利益。
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**Rational voter ignorance** explains why voters remain uninformed about political issues: the personal cost of gathering information exceeds the expected benefit, as individual votes rarely determine outcomes. This explains why special interests with concentrated benefits often outmaneuver diffuse public interests.
监管俘获(Regulatory capture: 监管机构逐渐服务于其所监管行业而非公共利益的过程)是指监管机构逐渐服务于其所监管行业而非公共利益的过程;官员的职业考量、信息不对称和集中的行业权力促进了这一现象。集中收益,分散成本(Concentrated benefits, dispersed costs: 为小群体提供巨大利益,同时将成本分散到大众的计划)描述了那些为小群体提供巨大利益,同时将成本分散到大众的计划,这创造了强大的游说激励,并解释了持续存在的低效政策。
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**Regulatory capture** is the process whereby regulatory agencies gradually serve the interests of the industries they regulate rather than the public interest; officials' career concerns, information asymmetries, and concentrated industry power facilitate this phenomenon. **Concentrated benefits, dispersed costs** describes programs that provide substantial benefits to small groups while spreading costs thinly across the general population, creating powerful lobbying incentives and explaining persistent inefficient policies.
现代货币理论(MMT)
现代货币理论(Modern Monetary Theory, MMT: 沃伦·莫斯勒等人发展,挑战传统政府财政观念,强调货币主权国家独特能力的理论),由沃伦·莫斯勒(Warren Mosler)、斯蒂芬妮·凯尔顿(Stephanie Kelton)和比尔·米切尔(Bill Mitchell)等经济学家发展,通过关注货币主权(Monetary sovereignty: 国家发行自身货币、以该货币征税且不固定汇率或承诺兑换贵金属的独特权力)国家的独特权力,挑战了关于政府财政的传统观念。发行自身货币、以这些货币征税且不固定汇率或承诺兑换贵金属的国家,面临着与家庭或企业根本不同的约束;它们不会用尽货币。
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**Modern Monetary Theory** (MMT), developed by economists like Warren Mosler, Stephanie Kelton, and Bill Mitchell, challenges conventional thinking about government finances by focusing on the unique powers of **monetary sovereign** nations. Nations that issue their own currencies, collect taxes in those currencies, and don't fix exchange rates or promise conversion to precious metals face fundamentally different constraints than households or businesses; they cannot run out of money.
功能性财政(Functional finance: 政府财政政策应根据实际经济结果而非任意预算目标进行评估的原则)是政府财政政策应根据实际经济结果(就业、通货膨胀、增长)而非任意预算目标进行评估的原则;赤字和盈余是工具,而非目标本身。部门余额(Sectoral balances: 会计恒等式,表明政府赤字会产生私人部门盈余)是会计恒等式,表明政府赤字会产生私人部门盈余:当政府支出超过税收时,非政府部门(家庭和企业)必须将差额作为净金融资产积累起来。
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**Functional finance** is the principle that government fiscal policy should be evaluated based on real-world outcomes (employment, inflation, growth) rather than arbitrary budget targets; deficits and surpluses are tools, not goals themselves. **Sectoral balances** is the accounting identity showing that government deficits create private sector surpluses: when government spends more than it taxes, the non-government sector (households and businesses) must accumulate the difference as net financial assets.
MMT主张就业保障(Job guarantee: 一项永久性公共就业计划,以生活工资为任何愿意工作的人提供就业,作为自动稳定器和通胀锚)——一项永久性公共就业计划,以生活工资为任何愿意工作的人提供就业,既作为自动稳定器,也作为通胀锚。
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MMT advocates a **job guarantee**—a permanent public employment program offering jobs to anyone willing to work at a living wage—serving as both an automatic stabilizer and an inflation anchor.
女权主义经济学
女权主义经济学(Feminist economics: 玛丽莲·沃林等人发展,挑战主流经济学,审视性别如何塑造经济结构、结果和理论本身),由玛丽莲·沃林(Marilyn Waring)和朱莉·纳尔逊(Julie Nelson)等学者自20世纪90年代以来发展,通过审视性别如何塑造经济结构、结果和理论本身,挑战了主流经济学。
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**Feminist economics**, developed by scholars like Marilyn Waring and Julie Nelson since the 1990s, challenges mainstream economics by examining how gender shapes economic structures, outcomes, and theory itself.
无偿家务劳动(Unpaid domestic labor: 通过家务、育儿和养老等工作创造的经济价值,主要由女性承担,未计入GDP但对经济福利贡献巨大)是指通过家务、育儿和养老等工作创造的经济价值,主要由女性承担,尽管对经济福利贡献巨大,但仍未计入GDP。女权主义经济学家认为,这种遗漏扭曲了政策优先事项。
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**Unpaid domestic labor** refers to the economic value created through household work, childcare, and elder care, predominantly performed by women, that remains uncounted in GDP despite contributing significantly to economic welfare. Feminist economists argue this omission distorts policy priorities.
照护经济(Care economy: 涵盖有偿和无偿照护工作,维持人类能力的部门)是涵盖有偿和无偿照护工作,维持人类能力的部门。女权主义经济学家证明,传统经济模型通过关注市场交易而忽视人类生命的再生产和维护,从而低估了这项基本工作。
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The **care economy** is the sector encompassing both paid and unpaid care work that sustains human capabilities. Feminist economists demonstrate how traditional economic models undervalue this essential work by focusing on market transactions while ignoring the reproduction and maintenance of human life.
性别权力动态(Gender power dynamics: 性别间不平等的权力关系如何影响经济结果,从工资差异到家庭资源分配)描述了性别间不平等的权力关系如何影响经济结果,从工资差异到家庭资源分配。这些动态挑战了新古典经济学关于理性、自主行为者在中立市场中做出决策的假设。
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**Gender power dynamics** describe how unequal power relations between genders affect economic outcomes, from wage differentials to household resource allocation. These dynamics challenge neoclassical assumptions about rational, autonomous actors making decisions in neutral markets.
非市场活动(Non-market activities: 发生在正式市场之外的经济贡献,包括家庭生产、志愿工作和社区组织)是发生在正式市场之外的经济贡献,包括家庭生产、志愿工作和社区组织。女权主义经济学家开发了测量和评估这些通常被排除在经济分析之外的活动的方法。
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**Non-market activities** are economic contributions occurring outside formal markets, including household production, volunteer work, and community organizing. Feminist economists develop methodologies to measure and value these activities, which are typically excluded from economic analysis.
生态经济学
生态经济学(Ecological economics: 赫尔曼·戴利等人开创,将经济视为地球有限生物圈的子系统,挑战无限增长假设的经济学派),由赫尔曼·戴利(Herman Daly)和罗伯特·科斯坦萨(Robert Costanza)开创,通过将经济定位为地球有限生物圈的一个子系统,重新概念化了经济学,挑战了关于无限增长的传统假设。
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**Ecological economics**, pioneered by Herman Daly and Robert Costanza, reconceptualizes economics by positioning the economy as a subsystem of Earth's finite biosphere, challenging conventional assumptions about unlimited growth.
自然资本(Natural capital: 世界上的自然资源(森林、矿物、生物多样性)和生态系统服务,为人类社会和经济提供基本投入和生命支持功能)是指世界上的自然资源(森林、矿物、生物多样性)和生态系统服务,它们为人类社会和经济提供基本投入和生命支持功能。与人造资本不同,许多形式的自然资本无法生产或替代。
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**Natural capital** refers to the world's stock of natural resources (forests, minerals, biodiversity) and ecosystem services that provide essential inputs and life-support functions for human society and the economy. Unlike manufactured capital, many forms of natural capital cannot be produced or replaced.
稳态经济学(Steady-state economics: 赫尔曼·戴利提出的经济框架,维持恒定的物质资本和人口存量,物质吞吐量保持在生态限度内)是赫尔曼·戴利提出的经济框架,它维持恒定的物质资本和人口存量,物质吞吐量保持在生态限度内。这通过优先考虑质量发展而非数量扩张,挑战了以增长为中心的经济模型。
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**Steady-state economics** is Herman Daly's framework for an economy that maintains constant stocks of physical capital and population, with material throughput remaining within ecological limits. This challenges growth-focused economic models by prioritizing qualitative development over quantitative expansion.
增长的极限(Limits to growth: 有限资源可用性和生态系统吸收能力对经济扩张施加绝对限制的概念)是指有限资源可用性和生态系统吸收能力对经济扩张施加绝对限制的概念,这与主流经济学通过技术和替代实现无限增长潜力的假设相矛盾。生态系统服务(Ecosystem services: 人类从正常运作的生态系统(如水净化、气候调节、授粉)中获得的益处,通常在市场中未定价但支撑着经济活动)是人类从正常运作的生态系统(如水净化、气候调节、授粉)中获得的益处,尽管它们支撑着经济活动,但在市场中通常未定价。生态经济学家开发了评估这些服务价值并将其纳入决策的方法。
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**Limits to growth** is the concept that finite resource availability and ecosystem absorption capacity impose absolute constraints on economic expansion, contradicting mainstream economics' assumption of indefinite growth potential through technology and substitution. **Ecosystem services** are the benefits humans receive from functioning ecosystems (water purification, climate regulation, pollination), often unpriced in markets despite underpinning economic activity. Ecological economists develop methods to value these services and incorporate them into decision-making.
📌 文中提及的人物和组织
人物: adam-s-axiom