关税与通胀的痛点
纳塔莉·基特罗夫: 欢迎收听《纽约时报》的《每日新闻》(The Daily),我是纳塔莉·基特罗夫。
Original English
Natalie Kitroof: From the New York Times, I'm Natalie Kitroof. This is the daily.
纳塔莉·基特罗夫: 对于全美各地的民众来说,一切都在变得越来越贵。从食物到燃料,从医疗保健到供暖,每个人都在感受着这种痛苦。
Original English
Natalie Kitroof: For people right across America, everything has been getting more expensive. From food to fuel, healthcare to heating, [music] everyone's feeling the pain.
纳塔莉·基特罗夫: 我们的哥伦比亚广播公司新闻(CBS News)民意调查显示,十分之七的美国人表示,他们对政府处理经济的方式感到沮丧甚至愤怒。在通货膨胀和可负担性成为每个人心头大事的时刻,
Original English
Natalie Kitroof: Our CBS News poll says that seven and 10 Americans say they are frustrated or even angry with the administration's approach to the economy. At a moment when inflation and affordability are on everyone's mind,
纳塔莉·基特罗夫: 美联储(Federal Reserve Bank)的新分析显示,2025年特朗普总统征收的关税中,有近 90% 是由消费者和企业支付的。
Original English
Natalie Kitroof: the new analysis from the Federal Reserve Bank reveals nearly 90% of President Trump's tariffs in 2025 were paid by consumers and [music] businesses.
纳塔莉·基特罗夫: 当经济学家声称关税是导致价格持续上涨的部分原因时,我的同事安娜·斯旺森采访了特朗普总统关税政策最具影响力的推动者——詹姆森·格里尔。格里尔告诉她,尽管民意下滑,但特朗普政府目前正计划推出一套新的关税方案,并坚信该方案能够经受住任何法律挑战。
Original English
Natalie Kitroof: And when economists are saying that tariffs are partially to blame for the relentless rise in prices, my colleague Anna Swanson talked to the most influential driver of President Trump's tariff policy, [music] Jameson Greer. Greer told her that despite tanking public opinion, the Trump administration is now planning a new slate of tariffs that it believes will survive any legal challenge.
安娜·斯旺森: 那么,根据你自己的标准,关税起作用了吗?
Original English
Anna Swanson: So, according to your own metrics, are tariffs working?
詹姆森·格里尔: 确实起作用了。是的。我认为我们取得了巨大的成功。
Original English
Jameson Greer: They are. Yeah. [music] I think we've been wildly successful
纳塔莉·基特罗夫: 今天,我们来听听为什么格里尔认为特朗普的关税政策是成功的,以及为什么政府正在加倍下注。每当你试图大幅改变政策,颠覆特权利益或企业利益时,人们都会站出来反对并试图与之斗争。他们想要维持现状。而我们不想维持现状。今天是7月20日星期一。安娜,你和詹姆森·格里尔谈了几个小时,他虽然不是一个家喻户晓的名字,但在制定美国贸易政策方面作为美国贸易代表却扮演着举足轻重的角色。那么请说说,这个人为什么重要,以及他有多重要?
Original English
Natalie Kitroof: today. Why Greer thinks that Trump's tariff policy has been a success and why the administration is doubling down. Whenever you're trying to change policy in a big way and you're upending special interests or corporate interests, people are going to come back and try to fight that. They want the status quo. We don't want the status quo. It's Monday, July [music] 20th. Anna, you spent hours with Jameson Greer, not a household name, but someone who is very important in crafting US trade policy as the US trade representative. So just say why this guy matters and how much.
幕后操盘手格里尔
安娜·斯旺森: 是的。他已经变得非常有影响力。关于詹姆森·格里尔最引人注目的一点是,他并不是那种典型的特朗普任命官员。他不是亿万富翁,行事也不粗鲁。你可能还记得我们之前节目中请来过的彼得·纳瓦罗(Peter Navarro)。纳瓦罗更像是一个特立独行的“大炮”,而格里尔则相反,他非常深思熟虑。他是一个安静、低调的人,但在贸易法领域拥有极其丰富的知识。他在贸易领域积累了大量经验,而且说实话,他就是目前许多贸易议程背后的真正大脑。好的。在你和他坐下来交谈几次之后,据我所知,你的核心结论是什么?尽管他面临着许多阻力,包括公众对特朗普的支持率较低,还有针对政府关税政策的法律挑战。最高法院甚至推翻了很大一部分贸易议程。
Original English
Anna Swanson: Yeah. So he has become very influential. So the fascinating thing about Jameson Greer is he's not your typical Trump appointee. He's not a billionaire. He's not brash. You might remember we had Peter Navaro on this show before as well. Navaro is kind of more of a loose cannon, but Greer on the other hand is quite considered. He's more of a quiet, low-key type of guy, but he has a lot of knowledge in the trade law. He has a lot of experience in trade, and he really is the brains behind a lot of the trade agenda at this point. Okay. So, after you sat down with him a couple times, I understand, what was your main takeaway? So even though he's facing a lot of headwinds, including the fact that public sentiment for Trump is low, you've got these legal challenges against the administration's tariffs. The Supreme Court overturned a big swath of the trade agenda.
安娜·斯旺森: 格里尔并没有被这些困难吓倒。事实上,他提出了一大批新关税,意在重新建立那些被最高法院推翻的关税。他依然坚定地推行这一政策,并坚信这会给国家带来好处。
Original English
Anna Swanson: Greer has not been dissuaded by any of this. In fact, he's proposed a lot of new tariffs to essentially recreate the tariffs that were overturned by the Supreme Court. and he remains very intent on this policy and the benefit he thinks it will bring to the country.
纳塔莉·基特罗夫: 那为什么这些在我们通常看来非常巨大的障碍,却无法劝退这个人呢?
Original English
Natalie Kitroof: And why why are none of those obstacles that I think would normally be considered pretty big dissuading this guy?
安娜·斯旺森: 因为在他看来,关税正在发挥作用。
Original English
Anna Swanson: Because according to him, the tariffs are working.
纳塔莉·基特罗夫: 正在发挥作用?怎么说?能帮我理解一下吗?有很多理由可以反驳人们对关税的论点和抱怨。但我想,要真正理解他为什么认为关税有效,你必须先了解他是如何一步步成为关税的铁杆信徒的。
Original English
Natalie Kitroof: They're working. How? Like help me understand that. So there are a lot of reasons that he gives disputing all the arguments that people make about tariffs, all the complaints that people have. But I think to really understand why he thinks tariffs are working, you have to understand how he became such a diehard believer in tariffs in the first place.
从天堂镇到军旅
安娜·斯旺森: 嗨,你好吗?
Original English
Anna Swanson: Hey, how are you?
詹姆森·格里尔: 很高兴见到你。想坐那里吗?设备都调好了吗?
Original English
Jameson Greer: Good to see you. Want to sit there? Is this set up?
安娜·斯旺森: 于是我和《每日新闻》的同事们一起去了他的办公室。
Original English
Anna Swanson: So I went to his office with colleagues from the daily.
詹姆森·格里尔: 欢迎来到这座大楼,这里曾经是战争部的一部分。
Original English
Jameson Greer: Welcome to this building which used to be part of the war department.
安娜·斯旺森: 对,这是一座非常有历史感的大楼,对吧?
Original English
Anna Swanson: Right. This is a very historic building, right?
詹姆森·格里尔: 它是华盛顿仅次于白宫的第二古老联邦大楼。不过,这里的黄金装饰可没有白宫那么多。
Original English
Jameson Greer: It's the second oldest federal building in Washington after the White House. But there's less gold in here than there is in the White House.
安娜·斯旺森: 啊,明白了。好的。接下来,我们开始和他聊起他早期的经历,正是这些经历塑造了他对贸易和关税的看法,以及他认为美国需要如何改变与世界的贸易方式。那么,我们先简单追溯一下。我们能聊聊你的背景以及你是如何走到今天这个职位的吗?你能描述一下你的童年吗?
Original English
Anna Swanson: Ah, right. Okay. Well, and we started talking to him about those early experiences that he had that shaped the way he thinks about trade and tariffs and how the US needs to change the way that it's trading with the world. Um, just quickly, I'll go back a little bit more. Um, we just briefly talk about your background and how you got to this position. Can you describe your childhood?
詹姆森·格里尔: 我出生在加利福尼亚州一个叫格里德利(Gridley)的小镇,那是美国的奇异果之都。两岁时,我们搬到了加利福尼亚州的天堂镇(Paradise)。我就读于天堂高中,那是镇上唯一的公立高中。我的童年生活非常普通。我跑越野,参加学生会,在当地的麦当劳打工。我还做过少棒联盟的裁判,经常被球员家长大吼大叫。所以我的童年是极其典型的美式生活。格里尔在加州长大,但不是旧金山或洛杉矶那样的沿海加州,而是该州的中北部地区。那是一个叫天堂镇的地方,后来遭遇了那场毁灭性的森林大火。
Original English
Jameson Greer: I was born in a town called Gridley, California, which is the Kiwi capital of the United States. And then when I was two, we moved to Paradise, California. I went to Paradise High School is the only public high school in town. And I did pretty normal things. I ran across country. I did student government. I worked in the local McDonald's. I was a little league umpire with parents yelling at me. So had a very normal American style childhood. So Grrew grew up in California, not coastal California, San Francisco or LA, but in the northern central part of the state. It's a town called Paradise that had this massive wildfire. Subsequently,
詹姆森·格里尔: 加利福尼亚州比尤特县的天堂镇,这是深红色的加州腹地,森林茂密,伐木业发达。我们每年都会举办一个叫作“金块节”的活动。这里曾是淘金热的地方,所以非常具有蓝领工人阶级的底色。
Original English
Jameson Greer: Paradise, California in BU County. This is deep red California, deep in the woods, logging country. You know, we had something every year called the Gold Nugget Festival. I mean, it was gold country, so it was very much a workingass kind of place.
安娜·斯旺森: 他是五个孩子之一。他的母亲在富国银行(Wells Fargo)当了多年的银行柜员。而他的父亲则从事过各种不同的工作。
Original English
Anna Swanson: He's one of five kids. His mom worked as a bank teller for Wells Fargo for many years. His dad, on the other hand, did a variety of jobs.
詹姆森·格里尔: 我们搬到天堂镇是因为他要接一份注塑成型的工作。那里有一个小型的工业园区。他是为了那些工作机会过去的。后来那些工作流向了亚洲。
Original English
Jameson Greer: We actually moved to Paradise because he was going to take a job in plastic injection molding. There was a small industrial park there. So, he was going to do that for those jobs. Went to Asia.
安娜·斯旺森: 他的父亲曾在汽车经销店的保养和维修车间工作,也做过白蚁和害虫控制。
Original English
Anna Swanson: He worked at auto dealerships in the maintenance and service shop and he worked in pest control.
詹姆森·格里尔: 我是在一辆移动房屋(拖车房)里长大的,不是那种专门的拖车公园,就是一栋单立的移动房屋。
Original English
Jameson Greer: I grew up in a mobile home, not in a mobile home park, you know, but in a mobile home.
安娜·斯旺森: 尽管家境并不富裕,但他的父母非常重视教育。他们订阅了《国家地理》杂志,就是那本标志性黄色边框的著名杂志。因此,格里尔一直有着走出去、成就更多事业的渴望。
Original English
Anna Swanson: Even though they weren't very well off, his parents really valued education. We had a subscription to National Geographic, you know, famous magazine with the yellow border. So, always had a desire to go out and do more.
安娜·斯旺森: 他的家庭也是摩门教徒。因此,他去了犹太州的杨百翰大学(Brigham Young University)学习国际关系。大学毕业后,他决定去读法学院,并最终加入了军队。
Original English
Anna Swanson: And his family is also Mormon. So, he goes to Brigham Young University in Utah and he studies international relations. And then after he graduated from university, he decided to go to law school and he ends up joining the military.
詹姆森·格里尔: 在天堂镇这样的小地方长大,在很多方面其实和在阿巴拉契亚地区很像。那里相对贫困,多是工人阶级,看起来没有太多社会上升通道。所以,参军成了一个选择。
Original English
Jameson Greer: And again, when you grow up in a place like Paradise, it's not unlike being in Appalachia in a lot of ways, right? It's kind of poor area, more working class, doesn't look like there are a lot of ways for social mobility there. And you know, you go to the military.
安娜·斯旺森: 他曾在堪萨斯州、土耳其和伊拉克担任军事律师。
Original English
Anna Swanson: He worked as a military lawyer in Kansas, Turkey, and Iraq.
律师生涯与中国钢材
詹姆森·格里尔: 后来我联系上了一位非常有帮助的猎头。
Original English
Jameson Greer: I ended up getting connected with a a head hunter who was really helpful. And
安娜·斯旺森: 猎头帮他找到了一份能够将他对法律和国际关系的兴趣结合起来的工作。那是在华盛顿一家名为世达(Skadden)的著名律师事务所工作。
詹姆森·格里尔: 猎头对我说:“嘿,我认为你会对世达的这个团队感兴趣,他们正在为美国制造商做国际贸易方面的工作。”
Original English
Anna Swanson: and he finds a job that combines his interest in the law and in international relations. Working at a prestigious law firm in DC called Scatteren. you know, my head hunter said, "Hey, I think you'd be interested in this group at Scatteren where they're doing this international trade work for, you know, American manufacturers."
安娜·斯旺森: 他发现自己在这个团队中做的是为美国公司进行抗辩,抵御来自其他国家的倾销和不公平贸易。这成为了他人生中一次非常重要的塑造性经历。
Original English
Anna Swanson: And he finds himself on this team where he's defending US companies against unfair trade from other countries. And it ends up becoming this very formative experience for him.
纳塔莉·基特罗夫: 怎么说?
Original English
Natalie Kitroof: How so?
安娜·斯旺森: 在他 2012 年开始在那里工作时,全球化正处于全速推进的时期。企业纷纷将生产线外包到中国。中国正在向不同的市场扩张,而格里尔则代表美国钢铁公司应对来自中国的廉价钢铁冲击。中国对本国产业进行巨额补贴,以不公平的超低价格销售,基本上在价格上击败了美国企业,导致美国的钢厂纷纷破产。虽然针对这种行为有一些国际规则,但许多跨国公司实际上从与中国的贸易中获益匪浅,因此他们对中国的不公平贸易行为睁一只眼闭一只眼。许多政治家也是如此。如果你回顾 2012 或 2013 年,那是华盛顿(尤其是共和党人和美国商界)普遍认为贸易的唯一目的就是效率的时代。这就是大家所追求的一切:高效率、与中国保持良好关系,而贸易逆差并不重要。如果失去了钢厂也没关系,因为大家都会转型到更好的服务业工作,比如软件开发、医疗保健等。这就是当时的流行观点。
Original English
Anna Swanson: So, at the time when he starts working there in 2012, this is a period where globalization is going full steam ahead. Companies are offshoring to China. China is expanding into different markets and Greer was representing US steel companies that are dealing with this onslaught of cheap steel coming out of China. They're subsidizing their industry. [music] They're pricing things unfairly low and basically undercutting US companies and putting US steel mills out of business. There were rules around this kind of behavior, but a lot of multinational companies actually benefited from trade with China. And so they turned a blind eye to China's unfair trade practices. And a lot of politicians did the same. You know, if you look back at 2012, 2013, this was a time when in Washington, in fact, particularly among Republicans and the US business community, the view was the purpose of trade is efficiency purely. [music] That's all we're looking for. We're looking for efficiency and we want to have good relations with China and trade deficits don't matter. And if we're losing steel mills, that's okay because everyone's going to transition to services jobs that are better and software development and healthcare and all these different [music] things. This was the prevailing view.
安娜·斯旺森: 在这个国际贸易体系中,格里尔致力于为美国制造商争取保护。他把外国公司告上法庭。
詹姆森·格里尔: 其一,他们有巨额补贴。对于美国工人和雇用他们的企业来说,去和一家不需要自负盈亏的中国或越南钢铁公司竞争是非常困难的。如果他们亏了钱,他们就会得到政府的补贴。
Original English
Anna Swanson: And within this international trading system, Greer is working to get protections for US manufacturers. He's taking foreign companies to court. one, they have massive subsidies and it becomes very difficult for American workers and the companies that employ them to compete with a Chinese or a Vietnamese steel company that doesn't have to make money, right? Or if they lose money, they're going to get a subsidy from their government. And the subsidy,
安娜·斯旺森: 他当时辩论的重点是,对方正在使用不公平的贸易手段。
Original English
Anna Swanson: he's arguing that they're using unfair trade practices.
詹姆森·格里尔: 看看这个。事实上,你们是以低于成本的价格销售,或者是在零利润的基础上倾销。
Original English
Jameson Greer: Oh, look at this. Actually, you're selling below cost or you're selling at no profit and you're doing ad length.
安娜·斯旺森: 而且他实际上打赢了这些官司。但打赢了又意味着什么呢?打赢了之后会发生什么?
Original English
Anna Swanson: And he's actually winning his cases. And what does it mean to win? What happens when he wins these cases?
关税壁垒的局限性
安娜·斯旺森: 最直接的结果就是,商务部会因为这些法院判决对相关国家征收关税。但问题在于,这个诉讼过程耗时太长,且关税范围非常狭窄。
Original English
Anna Swanson: So the big consequence is that the commerce department because of these court rulings puts tariffs on these countries. But the problem is this process takes a long time and the tariffs are narrow in scope.
詹姆森·格里尔: 这些关税往往是针对特定国家、特定公司和特定产品的。我当时就想,虽然我们解决了一些问题,但这种方式实在太费力了。而且中国和其他国家也非常擅长寻找漏洞,绕道其他地方把廉价钢铁运进美国。
Original English
Jameson Greer: You know, they're country specific, they're company specific, they're product specific. And I just thought, well, this is we're taking care of this, but it's quite laborious. And China and other countries are also really good at finding loopholes, finding other ways to ship cheap steel into the US.
安娜·斯旺森: 所以这变成了一个“打地鼠”的游戏,对吧?而且不仅仅在钢铁行业,太阳能电池板也是如此。你限制了中国太阳能电池板直接进入美国,他们就会把生产或转口转移到东南亚或其他地方。
Original English
Anna Swanson: So it becomes a whack-a-ole issue, right? It's not just in steel. Solar panels, right? Maybe you shut down access for Chinese solar panels into the US and then just move to Southeast Asia or somewhere else.
安娜·斯旺森: 你在某一个地方严厉打击中国钢铁的出货,它们就会在另一个地方冒出来。因此,格里尔亲身体会到了这个体制的所有弊端:要证明外国公司违反国际贸易规则需要花费极其漫长的时间;即便你证明了,美国公司得到的关税保护到头来也并非那么有效。
Original English
Anna Swanson: You crack down on Chinese steel shipments in one place and they just kind of pop up somewhere else. So, Greer is experiencing firsthand all of the challenges in the system and that it takes a really long time to prove that foreign companies are cheating international trade rules. And even when you can prove it, the protection that US companies get in return ultimately isn't that effective.
詹姆森·格里尔: 确实是这样。而且他也看到了这对普通美国人的生活产生的影响。当我们把人们请到国际贸易委员会(International Trade Commission)就贸易政策对他们的影响进行作证时,我们请来的是那些在一线生产的工人。他们戴着安全帽,戴着防化学品护目镜,在一天结束时需要用洗眼器冲洗眼睛。这些蓝领工人才是我们最终想要造福的人。
Original English
Jameson Greer: That's right. And he's also seeing the impact of this on everyday Americans. When we're bringing in people to testify before the International Trade Commission about the effect of trade policy on them, we're bringing in people on the line. We're bringing in people who wear hard hats. We're bringing in people who wear safety glasses and do eyewash at the end of the day because of chemicals. These are the people we're ultimately trying to benefit.
特朗普首任关税战
安娜·斯旺森: 这确实塑造了格里尔对贸易以及贸易如何影响国家的看法。接着,他在世达律师事务所的老板罗伯特·莱特希泽(Robert Lighthizer)被任命为特朗普第一任期内的首席贸易谈判代表。而格里尔则被点名担任莱特希泽的幕僚长。这是一件大事,因为这让他有机会将自己作为贸易律师所学到的一切直接应用到美国的贸易政策中。在特朗普的第一任期内,他们采取的关键行动之一就是对中国征收广泛的关税。他们对价值数千亿美元的中国商品课以关税。这些举措在当时争议极大。但在格里尔看来,美国必须开始对中国采取单边行动,否则美国将失去越来越多的制造业基地。
詹姆森·格里尔: 如果美国不制定并实施自己的政策来保护本国产业和工人,我们最终将成为政策的被动接受者。也就是说,如果我们不成为决策者,我们就只能接受别人的政策。而中国在制定政策方面非常强势。他们每五年都会发布一个五年计划。
Original English
Anna Swanson: And this really helps to shape Greer's view of trade and how trade is impacting the country. And then [music] his boss at Scatteren, a guy named Bob Lighheiser, is appointed to become the top trade negotiator in Trump's first term. [music] And Greer gets tapped to become Lighheiser's chief of staff, which is a big deal, right? Because it gives him the chance to take all of the stuff that he learned as a trade lawyer and now presumably directly affect US trade policy, right? [music] And one of the key actions that they take in that first Trump term is they issue broad tariffs on China. They hit hundreds of billions of dollars of Chinese goods with tariffs. And these actions were quite controversial at the time. But the way Greer explains it, the US needed to start taking unilateral action against China or else it would have just lost more and more of its manufacturing base to China. If America doesn't develop and implement its own policies to protect its industry and its workers, we will end up being policy takers. Right? So, if we're not policy makers, we end up being policy takers. And China is very is very strong in making policy. It publishes every 5 years. They have a 5-year plan.
安娜·斯旺森: 多年来,中国在其发布的五年计划中明确展示了其雄心。中国一直在推动提高自给自足的能力,并设定了主导关键行业的政策目标。
Original English
Anna Swanson: For years, China has made its ambitions very explicit in these 5-year plans it puts out. It has been pushing to become more self-sufficient and it has set a goal to dominate key [music] industries.
詹姆森·格里尔: 听着,中国就是要这么做。这是他们的目标。他们没有为其他国家的制造产能留下太多空间。我甚至不想对此进行价值判断,随他去吧。那是他们的国家,他们的经济,他们的运行方式。但关键在于,如果中国不改变我们认为有害的做法,那么我们美国就必须采取单边措施。我们必须成为政策的制定者。否则,我们就只能接受他们通过政策积累起来的巨大贸易顺差。我不会接受,总统也不会接受。因为总统不会眼睁睁看着其他国家的政策说:“好吧,我想我们只能把我们的工业基础拱手让给所有人。我猜别人都会有政府补贴,而我们只能躺下来再次被打脸。”
Original English
Jameson Greer: Listen, China's just going to do this. This is their goal. They don't have a lot of room for everyone else's manufacturing capacity. And guess what? I'm not even going to pass a value judgment on that. Whatever. That's their country. That's their economy. That's how they're working. It's really important for us, the United States, you know, if China is not going to change its practices that we believe are harmful, then we have to take unilateral measures. We have to be policy makers. Otherwise, we just have to accept all these giant surpluses that they're developing through their own policies. And I'm not going to take that. The president doesn't want to take that because he's not just going to take other count's policies and say, "Oh, well, okay. I guess we'll just hand over our industrial base to everybody else. I guess everyone else will just have subsidies and we'll lay down and take it on [music] the chin again."
安娜·斯旺森: 随着政策的推行,他们最终证明了关于贸易的政治风向已经发生了巨大变化。拜登政府在有机会取消特朗普对华关税时,最终还是选择保留了这些关税。
Original English
Anna Swanson: And the way that everything rolls out, they end up demonstrating that [music] the political conversation around trade had actually changed a lot. And the Biden administration ends up keeping Trump's China tariffs even when they have the chance to remove them.
詹姆森·格里尔: 这在政治上已经变得不可逆转,这几乎是来自美国民众底层的呼声,而不是自上而下的政策。美国民众直觉上感受到了这些问题,特朗普敏锐地捕捉到了这一点。他召集了莱特希泽,莱特希泽组建了一个团队来具体实施并解决这些总统个人以及美国民众所察觉到的问题。所以,这是一种深入民心的主张。我一直用民众和受欢迎这两个词,我们其实是平民主义者(民粹主义者)。
Original English
Jameson Greer: I mean, it had become politically unsustainable, almost bubbling up from the US population. It was not a top- down kind of thing. It was there were these kind of instinctual things that the American population is feeling that Trump tapped into and he called on Lighheiser and Lighheiser brought together a team to really implement and attack these issues that the president had detected personally but also in the US population. So, it was a popular message. I keep using these words like population and popular. We're populists. [music]
特朗普二任的急先锋
纳塔莉·基特罗夫: 好的,让我们转向特朗普 2.0 时代。格里尔现在拥有了贸易政策的最高职位。特朗普政府去年大刀阔斧地推出了关税政策,范围不仅限于中国,而是波及了全球几乎所有国家。我们在节目中多次报道过这一点。格里尔在这种打法中扮演了什么角色?
Original English
Natalie Kitroof: Okay, let's turn to Trump 2.0. Greer now has the top trade job. The administration came out swinging last year with tariffs, expanding way beyond China, hitting almost the entire world. We've covered this a bunch on the show. What was Greer's role in that approach?
安娜·斯旺森: 格里尔并不是最终的决策者。特朗普才是决策者。但格里尔作为贸易律师,为这些政策准备了法律依据,并成为了该政策的代言人。他负责与外国政府、企业和国会进行谈判。他是执行这一计划的人。尽管最终该计划受挫,因为最高法院裁定其中许多关税是非法的。但有大约一年的时间里,特朗普几乎可以随时随地开征关税。他因为印度购买俄罗斯石油而对其征收关税,也曾因为巴西起诉其前总统而对巴西课税。这些举动造成了巨大的经济动荡,也严重伤害了美国与盟友的关系。格里尔对此怎么说?
Original English
Anna Swanson: So, Greer is not the ultimate decider. Trump is the decider, but Greer as the trade lawyer is preparing kind of the legal basis for it and he becomes the face of it. He's negotiating with foreign governments and companies and Congress. He's the one who executes this plan which ultimately fails, right? The Supreme Court ruled that many of these tariffs were illegal. But for a while there, for about a year, Trump was able to impose tariffs any day of the week, whenever he wanted. He imposed them against India for buying Russian oil. He imposed them on Brazil for prosecuting their former president. These moves caused massive economic disruption and also really hurt America's relationships with its allies. What did Greer have to say about that?
詹姆森·格里尔: 这些是合理的问题,我也确实问过他。对总统来说快速行动至关重要,我们也理解这种紧迫性,因为在我们看来,当时的局面非常紧急。
Original English
Jameson Greer: Yeah, those are fair questions and I did ask him about it. It was very important to the president and we understood it was important to the president to move very quickly because in our view this was an emergency
安娜·斯旺森: 他表示总统想要快点行动,他们将当时的贸易状况视为一种紧急状态。格里尔认为这在法律上是站得住脚的策略。
Original English
Anna Swanson: and he said the president wanted to move fast and they considered the trade situation an emergency. So Greer thought this was a legally defensible strategy.
詹姆森·格里尔: 在特朗普总统第二任期开始前的五年里,我们的贸易逆差激增了 40%。到 2024 年底,逆差达到了惊人的 1.2 万亿美元。这简直太疯狂了。所以对我们来说这是一个紧急状态,因为这个逆差代表着原本可以留在国内的工作岗位和生产能力流失到了海外。因此总统宣布了紧急状态。我们尽快开征了关税,旨在向市场传递一个强烈的信号:生产需要回到美国。这最终促成了一系列谈判,打开了海外市场。所以我认为我们使用这个法案是至关重要且正确的,因为我们在应对紧急情况。我们必须行动迅速,并且取得了许多积极成果。他还辩称,通过这种方式,政府获得了针对其他国家的巨大筹码,使得他们能够与包括英国、欧盟、印尼、印度和日本在内的许多合作伙伴谈判达成贸易协定。我与一些专家交谈时,他们对美国在这些谈判中捞到的好处感到惊讶。但这确实是一个极其混乱的时期。企业抱怨说关税完全不公平,他们突然面临着需要支付给政府的巨额账单,不得不四处筹钱。因此,尽管在特朗普第一任期内,那些更具针对性的关税得到了一些跨党派的支持,但当第二任期推行这些超级关税时,美国人似乎非常不高兴。虽然你们能够快速行动,总统能随时调整关税,但另一方面,所有这些征收的关税都要退还,谈判达成的协定也变慢了,这难道不是一个重大的挫折吗?
Original English
Jameson Greer: Our trade deficit exploded by 40% in the 5 years before President Trump's second term. It was at $1.2 trillion at the end of 2024. This is crazy. So for us this is an emergency because that deficit it represents jobs and production going overseas that could be here. So the president declared an emergency. We set tariffs as soon as we could. We set them in a way that could really send a strong market signal that production needs to come back to the US. And then it resulted in all these deals which opened markets overseas. So I think it was critical and important that we used this statute because we were responding to an emergency. We had to move very very quickly and we had a lot of good outcomes from doing it. And he also argues that the way that they rolled this out gave the administration a lot of leverage over other countries. It allowed them to negotiate trade deals with a lot of partners including the UK, the EU, Indonesia, India, and Japan. And when I've talked to experts, many of them are actually surprised about how much the US was able to get in these deals. But it was an incredibly chaotic period. companies were complaining that the tariffs were totally unfair. They were suddenly hit by these massive bills that they had to pay to the government. They had to figure out how to come up with the money. So, there may have been bipartisan support for the more targeted tariffs that had been done in Trump's first term, but when they did these superersized ones in the second term, Americans seemed very unhappy. You were able to move quickly. you know, the president was able to change tariffs when he wanted, but I mean, on the other side, you know, all of that money has had to be paid back. The deals are slowed, right? So, I mean, isn't that a major setback?
司法受挫与关税得失
詹姆森·格里尔: 对此我有一个更宏观的视角。我的意思是,我们从二战后一直到特朗普第一任期中期,基本上都沿用着相同的贸易政策,对吧?这是一个非常长的时期。而在过去八年左右的时间里,这一政策得到了修正,在今年我们实际上在一年之内就颠覆了之前维持了七年的贸易政策。
Original English
Jameson Greer: Well, I I take a broader perspective on this. I mean, we've had we had the same trade policy from like post World War II until the middle of President Trump's first term, right? So, that's like that's a long period of that trade policy. the past eight years or so it's modified and now in this year we've essentially upended seven years of trade policy in one year.
安娜·斯旺森: 所以在法律层面的策略上,你没有任何遗憾吗?
Original English
Anna Swanson: So you don't have any regrets in terms of that legal strategy?
詹姆森·格里尔: 没有,我没有什么……好吧,我感到遗憾的是最高法院做出了错误的裁决,对吧?但那是他们的错,不是我们的。
Original English
Jameson Greer: No, I don't have any Well, I regret that the Supreme Court went the wrong way, right? But I mean that's their fault. That's not ours.
安娜·斯旺森: 听起来,即使这些关税后来被法院驳回,他也不后悔以这种方式推行关税。
Original English
Anna Swanson: So it doesn't sound like he actually regrets pursuing tariffs this way even though those tariffs were later struck down by the courts.
安娜·斯旺森: 没错,他说他不后悔。
Original English
Anna Swanson: No, he said he doesn't regret it.
詹姆森·格里尔: 反正我们总是会被起诉的。总会有人想要靠着损害美国工人的利益来赚钱,他们当然会提起诉讼来维持原有的商业模式。我想传递的信息是,这些旧的商业模式在政治或经济上对于美国来说已经不可持续了。
Original English
Jameson Greer: Well, we're always going to get sued. There's always going to be people who are trying to make a buck on the back of the American worker and they're always going to want to sue to maintain their business model. My message is that these business models are not sustainable politically or economically in America anymore.
安娜·斯旺森: 但对于必须向这些公司退还数十亿美元这一事实,他有什么说法?
Original English
Anna Swanson: But what does he have to say about the fact that they now have to refund billions of dollars to these companies?
安娜·斯旺森: 他确实认为退还这些税款是政府的一个重大挫折,因为他们失去了一个巨大的财政收入来源。但他表示,自己接触过许多实际上因关税而受益的公司,即那些在美国本土进行制造的企业。
Original English
Anna Swanson: So he does think refunding all of these companies is a major setback for the administration because they lose a huge source of revenue. But he says he's talking to many companies who had actually benefited from the tariffs. Companies that are manufacturing in the United States.
詹姆森·格里尔: 比如在我的家乡加利福尼亚州,有一些做塑料注塑成型的小批量生产小企业。现在,他们觉得终于能和中国及亚洲的生产商竞争了。
Original English
Jameson Greer: I have folks in California, for example, where I'm from, where they do plastic injection molding, small batch. They're a small business. Now, they feel like they can actually compete with the Chinese and Asian producers,
安娜·斯旺森: 这正好是你父亲以前做过的工作,对吧?
Original English
Anna Swanson: which is what your dad did, right? Actually,
詹姆森·格里尔: 是的,这确实是一个很好的共同点。没错。因此,对于那些说“我的业务模式就是进口”的小企业来说,关税确实会有影响。
Original English
Jameson Greer: yeah, that's actually an excellent point. Yeah. So for every small business that says, "Well, my business model is import." Yeah, of course it could.
安娜·斯旺森: 而对于那些受到关税损害的企业,格里尔说,如果他们把业务建立在从中国和其他国家进口廉价商品的基础上,他并不会为他们感到难过。
Original English
Anna Swanson: And for those that have been hurt by the tariffs, he said he doesn't really feel sorry for them if they structured their business models around importing cheap stuff from China and from other countries.
詹姆森·格里尔: 无论你选择什么策略,都有利有弊。在讨论一个总统任期时,你只有四年的时间,这是非常短暂的。我们本可以像拜登团队那样,进来后宣称我们要实施以工人为中心的贸易政策,保留特朗普在第一任期内做出的合理决策,然后对这些问题进行深入研究。确实,商务部等机构花时间研究了电池、医药、可再生能源产品等供应链,并撰写了精美的报告。我读过并很欣赏这些报告,但他们实际上并没有采取什么实质行动。我们本可以对关税进行更细致的微调吗?可以让它更具针对性吗?当然可以,但那样效率绝对不会像现在这么高。我们在立即采取行动。顺便说一下,这并不是盲目行动,我们花了很多年思考这个问题。这是总统在第一任期贸易政策的延伸,它绝不是凭空出现的。如果你只是一味地拖延时间,我们早就落后于形势了。我们已经落后于形势,没有时间可以浪费了。
Original English
Jameson Greer: So whatever strategy you choose, there are upsides and downsides. And when you're talking about a presidential term, you've got four years. This is a very short time. You know, we could do what the Biden people did. They came in and they said, "We're going to have a worker- centered trade policy. We're going to keep what the Trump people did in the first term because it made sense and we're going to study these issues." And so the Commerce Department, all these folks, they studied supply chains for batteries, for pharmaceuticals, for renewable energy products, all these things. and they created these great reports which I've read and I appreciate them but they didn't really do anything. Could we have refined things? Could we have made it much more nuanced? Could we have done all that? Yeah, but it would not have nearly been as effective. I mean, we're acting right now. And by the way, it's not like we acted with nothing. We've spent years thinking about this. This is an extension of the president's original trade policy in his first term. So, it didn't come out of nowhere. You just lose time and we're already way far behind. We are already behind the curve. there's just no time to waste, you know, the commerce department.
安娜·斯旺森: 所以,他真心认为关税政策正在按预期发挥作用,并且他制订了全新的计划来保持关税的推行。
Original English
Anna Swanson: So, he really thinks the tariff policy is working as intended and he has a whole new plan [music] to keep tariffs going
詹姆森·格里尔: 归根结底,我们在改变贸易政策方面取得了胜利,在降低贸易赤字、推动产业回流、提高工资水平等所有这些维度上我们都赢了。因此,我对现状和我们未来的方向感到满意。
Original English
Jameson Greer: kind of thing. At the end of the day, we are winning in changing the trade policy. We're winning in getting the trade deficit down. We're winning in reshoring. We're winning in wages. We're winning on all these things. So, I'm happy with where we are and where we're going. [music]
纳塔莉·基特罗夫: 我们稍后回来。
Original English
We'll be right back.
关税重建新计划
纳塔莉·基特罗夫: 那么,安娜,你提到格里尔有一个维持征税的新计划。跟我们聊聊吧。
安娜·斯旺森: 现在的政府正致力于重新设立那些在今年早些时候被最高法院推翻的关税,他们使用的是自认为更为稳固的法律依据。他们已经提出了一大批与不遵守劳工法(如强迫劳动、奴工或其他强迫性用工做法)相关的关税。这可能会对 80 多个国家征收约 10% 的关税,预计在本月晚些时候生效。而且,他们还在准备另一大波针对其他国家用来扶持本土工厂和制造业的不公平贸易行为(如补贴和汇率操纵)的关税。这可能导致此后对 40 多个国家额外征收关税。我们现在看的是美国近一个世纪以来对世界征收的最高关税。这是一个极其宏大的加倍下注的计划。那么格里尔究竟凭什么断定关税正在按照预期发挥作用呢?他有什么证据?因为据我了解,迄今为止关税在带回制造业岗位方面实际上并没那么有效,而这正是该政策的核心目标之一。与此同时,它们还增加了美国消费者的生活成本。
Original English
Natalie Kitroof: So, Anna, you said Greer has a new plan to now keep tariffs going. Tell us about that. So the administration right now is working to recreate the tariffs that the Supreme Court struck down earlier this year and they're using a legal justification that they think will be much more durable. So they've already proposed one big trunch of tariffs which are related to other count's lack of laws when it comes to forced labor like slave labor or other coercive labor practices. That will bring tariffs of around 10% into effect against more than 80 countries probably by later this month. And then they're preparing another huge swath of tariffs related to the unfair trade practices that other countries use to build up their factories, their manufacturing sectors like subsidies, currency manipulation. So that could then lead to additional tariffs on more than 40 countries after that. And again, we're looking at the highest tariffs that the United States has had on the world in roughly a century. So big plans basically doubling down on all of this. How exactly is Greer determining that the tariffs are working like they should? Like what evidence does he point to? Because my understanding is that tariffs so far have not actually been very effective at bringing back manufacturing jobs and that seemed to be one of the key goals of the policy. And then at the same time they've increased prices for Americans.
安娜·斯旺森: 是的,我基本同意。他告诉我们,当他上任时,他为关税设定了三个主要目标:增加制造业占 GDP 的比重、减少贸易赤字、以及提高实际工资。就第一个指标——制造业占 GDP 的份额而言,
Original English
Anna Swanson: Yeah, I generally agree. So he told us that when he came into office he had three main goals with tariffs. Increase manufacturing as a percent of GDP, reduce trade deficits and increase real wages. So on the first metric,
安娜·斯旺森: 虽然我还未看到该数据有明显波动,但许多制造业的其他指标都已经上升。制造业生产率处于多年来的最高水平。制造业的加班时间在增加。制造业工人的工资去年增长了 5%,而且 2026 年第一季度的制造业就业岗位出现了几年来首次的净增长。所以这些指标都在朝好的方向发展。
Original English
Anna Swanson: the manufacturing share of GDP, I haven't really seen that move yet, but a lot of indicators on manufacturing have gone up. Manufacturing productivity is at the highest it's been in years. Manufacturing overtime hours are going up. manufacturing labor wages are going up by 5% last year and manufacturing jobs actually were a net positive in the first quarter of 2026 for the first time in a few years. So all of those indicators are going the right way.
安娜·斯旺森: 他表示,制造业占 GDP 的比重尚未明显提升的元凶之一是建厂需要时间。但他坚称看到了制造业复苏的希望迹象。
詹姆森·格里尔: 看看制药行业,我们在北卡罗来纳州、印第安纳州、南加州和佐治亚州都有了正在建设的新设施。这是实实在在的、具体的进步。所以我亲眼看到了这些事情在实时发生,许多人告诉我这离不开关税的功劳。
Original English
Anna Swanson: So he says one of the reasons they haven't seen manufacturing move up as a percent of GDP is that it takes time to build a factory. But he argues he sees some promising signs that there's a revival in manufacturing. Um, look at the pharmaceutical industry where we have new facilities going up in North Carolina, in Indiana, Southern California, in Georgia. I mean, this is real concrete progress. So, I'm just seeing this happen in real time and people are telling me tariffs are part of this.
安娜·斯旺森: 但当我查看数据时,尽管制造业看起来确实在回暖,但我并不认为这是因为关税。我认为目前推动制造业回升的主要力量是人工智能的爆发和美国数据中心的建设潮。
Original English
Anna Swanson: So, when I look at the data, it does look like manufacturing is picking up, but I don't think that's because of tariffs. I think manufacturing is being driven right now by other things like the boom in AI and data centers in the US.
关税与通胀的辩论
詹姆森·格里尔: 我们希望商品贸易赤字下降。
Original English
Jameson Greer: We want the trade deficit in goods to go down.
安娜·斯旺森: 格里尔还指出贸易逆差已经大幅下降。
Original English
Anna Swanson: Greer also argued that the trade deficit has fallen pretty significantly.
詹姆森·格里尔: 在过去一年里,贸易赤字下降了 25%。特别是对中国的贸易逆差,下降了 30%。
Original English
Jameson Greer: That's gone down by 25% in the past year. With China in particular, it's gone down 30%.
安娜·斯旺森: 的确,对华贸易逆差下降了很多,但整体的贸易平衡与特朗普上任前相差无几。虽然有些许下降,但总体来说降幅并不大。
Original English
Anna Swanson: So he's right that the trade deficit with China has fallen a lot, but the overall trade balance is not that different than pre-Trump. It's fallen a little bit, but overall it's not down that much.
纳塔莉·基特罗夫: 那第三个指标——工资呢?如果这个政策旨在保护乃至提高工资水平,这方面进展如何?
Original English
Natalie Kitroof: What about that third metric, wages? If this policy is supposed to be protecting wages, maybe even boosting them, how are we doing on that front?
安娜·斯旺森: 我们也讨论了这一点。深入到工资层面,虽然工资确实在上涨,但这实际上是长期以来的趋势。而且自 2023 年以来,通货膨胀速度首次超过了工资的增长。所以即使工资涨了,但在很大程度上是由于关税导致的通胀也跟着上涨了。
Original English
Anna Swanson: So, we talked about it. And then just digging into wages as well. So, wages are rising, but that's kind of the long-term trend. And inflation is now outpacing wage growth for the first time since 2023. So wages have gone up, but so has inflation in part because of tariffs.
詹姆森·格里尔: 我完全不同意这个说法。我坚决反对。首先,在特朗普政府执政期间,除了因为我们在伊朗采取军事行动而受到能源价格驱动的最近几个月外,工人工资增长在其余时间里都跑赢了通货膨胀。在此之前,实际工资一直处于增长状态,跑赢了通胀。除了伊朗问题这一例外事件,
Original English
Jameson Greer: I disagree with that. I disagree with that squarely. I I mean, first of all, wages have outpaced inflation for all of the Trump ad Trump administration except for the last couple of months driven by energy because we have our operations in Iran. Everyone knows this. So before that, real wages have grown. They've outpaced inflation. But for this exceptional event in Iran,
安娜·斯旺森: 格里尔说得没错,在伊朗战争爆发前,工资增速确实快于物价。但自从几个月前战争爆发以来,物价上涨幅度远超工资。这几个月的物价涨幅实际上已经抵消了特朗普上任以来的所有工资涨幅。
Original English
Anna Swanson: Greer is right that before the Iran war, wages were rising faster than prices. But in the last couple months since the war started, prices have risen a lot more than wages. And they've actually jumped enough to offset all of the wage gains since Trump took office.
安娜·斯旺森: 然后,我们就通货膨胀的成因展开了激烈的辩论。
詹姆森·格里尔: 针对你刚刚提到的关税推高通胀的观点,我百分之百不同意。如果回顾特朗普首个任期,我们在 2018 年 7 月对中国(占我们进口很大比重)征收关税时,当时的通胀率大约是 2.7%。而到了第二年,即使我们对华关税再次加码,通胀率反而下降到了 1.7% 左右。所以这根本不是一比一的直接关系。再看看拜登政府,其通胀率在 2022 年达到了约 10% 的峰值,而那时他们根本没有对关税做任何调整。
Original English
Anna Swanson: And then we had a back and forth on what's driving inflation. and your your point that you you just kind of said that tariffs drive inflation and I just disagree with that 100%. I mean, if you look at the first Trump administration, we put tariffs into place in July 2018 on China, which is a huge part of our imports and our inflation at the time was about 2.7%. By the time we got to the next year, we had escalated tariffs on China. Inflation was down to like 1.7%. So, it's just not one to one. And when you look at the Biden administration, their inflation peaked at like 10% in 2022. And at that point, they hadn't changed tariffs at all, up or down.
安娜·斯旺森: 所以他坚称关税并没有推高通胀。他认为货币供应量、伊朗战争以及医疗和教育等领域的成本上升才是通胀的罪魁祸首。
Original English
Anna Swanson: So he argues that tariffs aren't driving inflation. He says the money supply, the Iran war, things like healthcare, education are driving inflation.
詹姆森·格里尔: 在我看来,关税推高通胀的说法简直不可理喻。通货膨胀背后有上百万种因素,最核心的是货币供应量。我们目前感受到的部分通胀压力来自伊朗局势。此外,通胀并不是发生在商品上,而是发生教育、医疗和保险等服务业中。在这些领域,民主党实行了一代人的政策推高了价格。
Original English
Jameson Greer: So this idea that tariffs are driving inflation is crazy to me. I mean, there are a million factors that go in inflation, most importantly, money supply. And now some of the inflation we're feeling is from Iran. And the other inflation we're feeling, it's not so much on goods, it's on services. Things like education, health care, and insurance. I mean, things that where democratic policies for a generation have driven prices up.
安娜·斯旺森: 这些固然是长期内推高物价的因素,但不能否定许多经济学家的观点,即最近的关税也在短期内推高了商品价格。因此在这点上我对他进行了追问。如果你听美联储的表态,美联储经常谈到关税如何推高商品通胀。纽约联储的一项研究表明,消费者承受了关税的最大损失。另一项研究则显示,关税是近期核心商品通胀额外增长的全部推手。
Original English
Anna Swanson: So those are certainly factors driving up prices over the long term, but that doesn't negate what many economists argue, which is that tariffs more recently have also added to prices on goods. And so I pushed him on that. But if you listen to the Fed, I mean, the Fed does talk frequently about how tariffs have raised inflation for goods. The New York Fed had a study showing that consumers bore the brunt of the tariffs. There was another Fed study that showed that tariffs were responsible for all of the extra inflation that we've seen in core goods.
詹姆森·格里尔: 纵观美联储多年的研究,他们的整套逻辑就是:我们必须尽可能多地进口,必须尽可能追求效率,因为这会有利于美国工人。但这完全是错误的。正是美联储和各大联邦储备银行及其经济学家,最初把我们带上了这条歧途。所以,他们在我的眼里并没有什么可信度。你只需看实际的数据。如果你说物价在上涨,请看通胀数据。通胀并不是源自商品,它主要来自服务业(排除能源因素后)。所以,那个说法只是一种理论层面的叙事,并没有得到最佳回顾数据的支持。
Original English
Jameson Greer: Well, I mean, if you look at the Fed studies over years, their whole shtick was, we need to import as much as possible. We need to be as efficient as possible because that's going to help American workers. and that it was just false. So the Fed and the various reserve banks and their economists, they are the ones that led us down this path to begin with. So they don't have a lot of credibility in my eyes. Just look at the actual data. If you're telling me prices are going up, look at the inflation data. The inflation is not coming from goods, right? It's coming mostly from services. Again, putting energy aside. So it's just that that is a narrative that they're only supporting by their theories. They're not looking retrospectively at the best data.
安娜·斯旺森: 即使他不相信关税会推高通胀,但他是否意识到,考虑到人们对生活成本如此敏感,许多美国人正在把高物价归咎于关税,而这正在严峻考验着公众的耐心?我问了他这个问题。最近的一项民意调查显示,特朗普总统的满意度只有 37%,选民对他处理经济、生活成本以及对伊战争表现出担忧。民调还显示大多数美国人反对关税,并将其与生活成本上涨联系在一起。你是否担心关税政策表现得过于激进,从而导致民意天平重新偏向了政府的对立面?
詹姆森·格里尔: 我并不认为它过于激进。同样,我是从数十年糟糕贸易政策这一漫长的历史跨度来看待当前的政策转变的。我们知道人们对生活成本感到担忧,我们所有人都一样。没人想对此敷衍了事。我们在特朗普政府执政期间在这方面取得了巨大的进展。许多核心副食品,如乳制品、鸡蛋、奶酪和面粉等,价格实际上已经下降了。所以我们担忧生活成本,但我们不会认为这能改变既定的贸易政策。贸易政策的核心是为了提高工人工资、保护制造业和农业生产。我相信美国人民随着时间的推移能够看到这一点。自 2018 年以来,我们对中国课征了重税,对钢铁和铝征收了关税。现在我们在美国生产的钢铁比日本还要多。这是一个巨大的扭转。所以这本身就是重大的成功,虽然我们取得了很多进展,但显然还有更多的工作要做。
Original English
Anna Swanson: But even if he doesn't believe that tariffs are driving inflation, does he get that many Americans may be blaming tariffs for inflation and that that is probably testing their patience right now just given how much affordability and the cost of living are on people's minds? I asked him about that. Um, a recent NYT poll put President Trump's approval rating at 37% with voters expressing concerns about his handling of the economy, cost of living, the war with Iran. And recent polls have also indicated that the majority of Americans are against tariffs connect them to the increased cost of living. Do you worry that your tariff policy has been too aggressive and that the kind of pendulum of public opinion has swung back against the administration? So, I I don't think it's been too aggressive. Again, I look at this in the long span of history of of decades of a bad trade policy that we're now changing. You know, we know people have concerns about the cost of living. We all do. Like, no one wants to be dismissive of that. We've made huge progress on that in the Trump administration. We have a lot of core staples. You know, when you look at dairy products and eggs and cheese and flour, all these things, prices have gone down for those. So, we worry about the cost of living. We don't see it as something that is going to change the trade policy. The trade policy is really about wages and protecting manufacturing and agricultural production. And I think that the American people are going to see this over time. I mean, again, we've had huge tariffs on China since 2018. We've had tariffs on steel aluminum since 2018. We're making more steel in America than Japan is making now. I mean, this is a huge turnaround. So, there's a lot of success there and we've made a lot of progress in the administration, but there's certainly more work to do.
安娜·斯旺森: 你是否担心,如果美国人没有看到更快的成效,他们会开始对这种制造业回流、贸易转型以及提高实际工资的愿景失去信心?
Original English
Anna Swanson: Are you worried that if Americans don't see faster results, they'll start to lose faith in this vision of reshoring and the shift in trade, increasing real wages?
詹姆森·格里尔: 我并不认为他们会这样。在过去的一年里,从我接触的金融服务公司数据来看,美国消费者其实极具韧性和活力。虽然有一些针对消费者情绪的民调,但实际硬数据说明了美国消费者正在做些什么,美国消费者非常强劲。所以我们有信心这种势头会持续下去。我无法去代表那 40% 只是因为不喜欢总统就倾向于反对总统推行的任何政策的选民。而对于那些关注自己钱包、在静观其变的中间选民,我充满信心,随着工资上升和工厂回流,这项政策会持续为美国人带来回报。我们现在正亲眼看到这一幕。我认为这对美国人民来说非常有价值。
Original English
Jameson Greer: I I don't think they will. You know, over the past year, you know, I I speak to financial services companies, the American consumer has been really resilient and robust. And so, you have some polls that are consumer sentiment and then you have some like hard data that shows what our consumer is actually doing. And the American consumer is quite robust. So, we're confident that that will continue. you know, I can't account for the 40% of voters who are just inclined to disagree with whatever policy president does because they don't like the president or they don't agree with him or they don't vote for him. So, I kind of take that. And then you have, you know, folks in the middle who are watching their pocketbook. They want to see what's happening. I'm confident that, you know, this policy will continue to deliver for Americans as wages go up, factories come back. I mean, we're seeing it now. I think it's really valuable to the American people.
孤狼外交还是保护美国
纳塔莉·基特罗夫: 好的。我想后退一步,问一个更宏观的问题。我想自从特朗普贸易战 2.0 版拉开帷幕以来,很多人心中都有这个疑问:这场贸易战似乎已经从主要针对中国演变成了对所有国家的全面开战。如果遏制或削弱中国依然是主要目标,这种“焦土政策”难道不会损害这个初衷吗?难道美国不应该联手所有的盟友集中力量共同应对中国,而不是冒着疏远所有盟友的风险,单枪匹马地对抗中国吗?
Original English
Natalie Kitroof: Okay. I want to step back on it and ask a bigger question that I think has been on a lot of people's minds since Trump trade war version two began, which is this trade war seems to have gone from being mainly about China to being a war on everyone. And if weakening China is still the primary goal here, doesn't that scorched earth approach undermine that purpose? Like, wouldn't it make more sense for the US to align with all of its allies and focus on containing China rather than risk alienating all of our friends and going it alone against China?
安娜·斯旺森: 这是对该政策最普遍的批评之一。我也认为这是一个非常现实的论点,即特朗普政府疏远了本来可以一起在重大贸易问题上合作的伙伴,例如应对来自中国的过剩产能,以及对美国制造业带来巨大压力的中国出口商品。那么,我们为什么非要对加拿大和欧洲征税,而不是集中火力对付中国呢?不过格里尔在这里的回答非常有意思。
Original English
Anna Swanson: So, this is one of the most common criticisms I hear of the policy. And I think that's a very real argument that the Trump administration has alienated partners that they could be working with on the trade issues that really matter for the world, like all of the excess goods that are coming out of China, huge Chinese exports that are putting a lot of pressure on American manufacturers. So why are we putting so many tariffs on Canada and Europe rather than countries like China? But Greer's answer here is really interesting.
詹姆森·格里尔: 我们作为政策制定者的角色,是要对美国公民负责。我们必须采取往往是单边的措施,因为世界的其他部分利益错综复杂,他们的利益与我们不同。我们必须采取措施来保护我们的经济、工业基础、农业生产、工厂、农场、家庭以及在这里工作的美国人民。这就是我的看法。我有时听到有人说:“哦,美国应该和西方其他国家联合起来,大家抱团强迫中国做出改变。”然而,这根本不是我们的政策。我们的目标不是去改变世界,我们是在努力改变与各方的贸易条件。所以,这意味着如果为了保护自身利益我们不得不对其他国家采取措施,我们就会去做。但这并不是因为我们反对任何特定的国家,而仅仅是因为我们是在保护美国。
Original English
Jameson Greer: So our role as policy makers is to do right by the American citizen. We need to take measures frequently unilateral because the rest of the world is all discombobulated and has different interests than we do. We have to take measures to protect our economy, to protect our industrial base, to protect our agricultural production, to protect our factories and farms and families and the people who work there. That's how I see it. I hear people sometimes say, "Oh, well, you know, America should just get together with the rest of the West. Everyone should gang up and force China to change." Like, that is not our policy. We're not really about going out and changing the world. We're trying to change the terms of trade. So it does mean to the extent we have to take measures on other countries, we will. But it's less that we're anti- any particular country and more we're just pro America.
安娜·斯旺森: 这一直是普遍的批评。你知道,特朗普政府对加拿大、欧洲等传统盟友采取了非常强硬的手段,这导致在某些情况下,美国甚至对传统盟友表现出比对传统对手更具攻击性的一面。你是怎么看待这一点的?
Original English
Anna Swanson: And that has been a common criticism. You know, the Trump administration is going very hard against traditional allies, Canada, Europe, and maybe even with China kind of getting into a situation where the US is kind of more aggressive in some instances against traditional allies than it would be against traditional rivals. you know, how do you think about that?
詹姆森·格里尔: 必须明确,我们这里不是外交部门,我们是经济部门。所以当我看到像欧盟这样的实体以毫无科学根据的借口把美国农产品拒之门外时,这就是个问题。不管是朋友还是对手,这都是个问题。我不会因为你口头上和我们保持一致,说些“美国是伟大的合作伙伴”之类的好听话,就像过去 30 年那样对这种不公平做法视而不见。这不是特朗普总统当选后要去做的事,也不是我被委任去履行的职责。
Original English
Jameson Greer: Yeah. So, again, this is not a foreign policy shop. This is an economic shop here. And so, when I look at someone like the European Union that blocks American agricultural goods for specious non-scientific reasons, that's a problem. Friend or foe, that's an issue. and I'm not going to say, well, if you guys agree to say nice things about us publicly and say that we're great partners, I will look past all of this like I have for the past 30 years. like that's not what President Trump was elected to do. It's not what I was appointed to do.
安娜·斯旺森: 他认为传统的贸易伙伴长期以来也占了美国的便宜,而美国此前一直给他们特权,但这并没有起作用。因此,政府是有意在对全世界施加压力。另一个现实情况是,特朗普政府与中国直接对抗的做法,确实给他们带来了反噬。比如去年特朗普对中国征收高额关税时,中国威胁要切断稀土出口,这会直接瘫痪许多美国工厂。因此美国发现,在直接对抗中国时,本国能够使出的反制手段实际上也是受限的。
Original English
Anna Swanson: So he thinks that traditional trading partners have also taken advantage of the US. The US has given them a pass for a long time. That didn't really work. So the administration is really intentionally putting pressure on the whole world. The other reality is the Trump administration did try to go up against China and that really backfired for them. So when Trump imposed high tariffs on China last year, the Chinese threatened to cut off rare earth exports which would have crippled a lot of US factories. So the US found that they were pretty limited in their ability to actually confront China.
詹姆森·格里尔: 我生活在现实世界里,所以对于那些“模拟联合国”学者们提出的“让我们召开峰会、成立工作组、然后联手对付中国”的建议,我认为不切实际。现实是,如果欧洲或其他地方对中国有意见,他们完全可以自己采取措施并与中国进行谈判。我不会为了让他们去做他们本来就该做的事,而由美国做出让步。在如今这个充满巨大贸易失衡和非市场化行为的时代,许多国家最终会和美国一样,发现采取保护性措施是符合自身利益的。当然在某些情况下,并非所有事情都需要我们单边行动。我只是觉得欧洲或者加拿大这样的国家行动太缓慢了,他们极度官僚,并且比我们更受制于所谓的国际法准则。如果我们傻傻地等待欧洲人或加拿大人或者其他人同意,在我们达成共识之前,我们所有的产业早就被外包光了。
Original English
Jameson Greer: I live in the real world, so you kind of get these model UN types who are like, well, you know, let's all get together and we'll have a meeting and a summit. We'll have these working groups and by the end of the day, we'll all gang up on China. I mean, the reality is if Europe or someone else has a problem with China, then they can take measures with China and negotiate with China. I mean, I'm not going to give a concession to some other country to do something they should do anyway. A lot of countries in this era of enormous imbalances and non-market practices. They will find like the United States that it's in their interest to take measures. Now, I think there are some instances where it doesn't have to be unilateral. I just find that countries like those in Europe, they tend to be very slow to move. They tend to be very bureaucratic. They feel more bound by international legal norms than we do. So if we were waiting for the Europeans to agree or the Canadians to agree or anybody else, we'd still be waiting while all this stuff was being offshored.
自我评价与关税遗产
安娜·斯旺森: 那么,对于你们在贸易政策和实现既定目标方面的表现,你会给自己打多少分?
Original English
Anna Swanson: And what grade would you give yourself on trade policy and achieving your goals?
詹姆森·格里尔: 噢,没有人是完美的。我总是能看到我们可以做得更好的地方。回顾过去,也许我们能做这个、做那个。但当我们审视过去 70 年,特别是经历大量离岸外包并带来灾难性后果的过去 30 年时——我们失去了 500 万个制造业岗位和 7 万家工厂,中国变成了世界最大的供应国和制造国。这显然是个大问题,在明知这些恶果的情况下还继续抱残守缺,那只有疯子才会这么做。所以我们必须做出改变,并在一年内取得了很多成果。还有可以做得更好的地方吗?当然有。我们会继续完善这一政策吗?是的,我们会。但我会给我们打个“A”。
安娜·斯旺森: 我们迄今谈了很多关于格里尔如何评估他自己以及他协助制定的关税政策。如果要评估特朗普关税体系的利弊,我们应该从何入手?我认为关税确实帮助了一些试图与廉价进口商品竞争的本土企业,但同时它也对其他许多企业造成了沉重负担。许多企业现在欠下了政府巨额的关税,或者因为关税不得不为原材料支付更高的价格。消费者也付出了更高的成本。此外还要考虑地缘政治上美国盟友关系的损失,以及共和党在即将到来的选举中的政治代价。但同样真实的是,本届政府从根本上改变了关于贸易的讨论。他们确实敏锐捕捉到了人们长期以来对全球化和贸易方式的严重不满。虽然他们的关税正面临强烈的民意反弹,但在思考未来时,这对任何后续政府来说都是很难轻易推翻的庞大遗产。因此,这些变化可能会成为特朗普政府非常持久的政治遗产。
Original English
Jameson Greer: Oh, well listen, nobody is perfect. And I always see things that I can do better. and in retrospect, maybe we could have done this, could have done that. But I mean we we have an a I mean when you look at you know the past 70 years and really in the past 30 years where we saw all the offshoring that was disastrous. We lost 5 million manufacturing jobs 70,000 factories and China became the world's largest supplier and manufacturer. That is a problem and continuing that policy in the face of those results. A crazy person would do that. So, we had to change that and this is a lot of success in a given year. Are there things we could do better? Of course. Are we going to continue to refine this? Yeah, we are. But I would give us an A. We've talked a lot thus far about how Greer assesses himself and the policies that he's helped orchestrate. If we are evaluating the cost benefit of this Trump tariff regime, how should we assess? So, I do think tariffs have helped some businesses that are trying to compete with cheap products from abroad, but they have also been a huge drag on others. Many businesses now owe a big tariff bill to the government or they have to pay more for their materials because of tariffs. Consumers are paying more. There are also geopolitical costs to think about to US alliances, maybe political costs for Republicans in the upcoming election. But what's also true is that this administration has fundamentally changed the conversation on trade. They did key into some serious criticisms that people have had for a long time about trade and how the past approach, this kind of unquestioning devotion to trade and globalization had not worked for a lot of Americans. There's this backlash now against their tariffs. But when you're thinking about what comes next, this is a lot for a subsequent administration to try to undo. So, some of these changes could be a very lasting legacy for the Trump administration.
纳塔莉·基特罗夫: 你的意思是,哪怕下一届是民主党执政,对于任何接任的政府来说,要撤销这些关税实际上都可能极其困难。
Original English
Natalie Kitroof: You're saying that it may actually end up being really hard for any administration that follows this one, even if it is a Democratic administration to roll these tariffs back.
安娜·斯旺森: 是的,我认为要完全撤销它们会非常困难。已经有太多不同种类、针对不同商品的关税。这只是数十个行业中极其复杂的政策变化。你已经看到企业开始重新组织他们的供应链。其他国家也因为这些关税,开始重塑他们与美国以及其他国家的贸易方式。而在美国国内,撤销关税的政治博弈也可能变得非常复杂。在拜登政府时期,我们看到他们辩论过是否要取消特朗普对华关税,但最终还是决定保留。当然,特朗普第二任期的这些关税范围要广得多、也更为全球化,这确实是不同的情况,但我认为未来的新政府可能会面临类似的难题。撤销这些关税在政治上面临阻力。所以,最终的结果可能是特朗普政府确实彻底重塑了全球经济秩序。
Original English
Anna Swanson: Yeah, I think it would be very difficult to undo them completely. There have been so many different kinds of tariffs on so many different things. Just a lot of complex changes in policy across dozens of industries. You see companies start to reorganize their supply chains. Other countries have started to reshape the way that they trade with the United States and other countries because of these tariffs. And in the US, the politics of undoing the tariffs too could be pretty complicated. In the Biden administration, we saw that they debated undoing Trump's China tariffs and decided to just keep them. Now, of course, these tariffs in Trump's second term are much more extensive. They're much more global. It's a different situation, but I think what a future administration might find is a similar conundrum. It's just difficult politics to undo these tariffs. So the net effect might be that the Trump administration really has reordered the global economy for good. [music]
纳塔莉·基特罗夫: 好的,安娜,非常感谢你来到这里。
Original English
Natalie Kitroof: Well, Anna, thank you so much for being here.
安娜·斯旺森: 谢谢你的邀请。
Original English
Anna Swanson: Thank you for having me.
詹姆森·格里尔: 我在努力保护美国的制造业。
Original English
Jameson Greer: I'm trying to protect American manufacturing.
安娜·斯旺森: 我看到你这里有几样总统签名的东西。
Original English
Anna Swanson: I see you have a few things signed by the president.
詹姆森·格里尔: 确实有。我这里有几个。他跟我说,我们开过一个关于关税的新闻发布会,他把那份文件签了名,上面写着“干得漂亮,非常棒(Great job big time)”。这是一份很好的纪念。跟任何老板工作都一样,你共事的时间越长,他们对你就越信任,除非他们把你开除了。到目前为止我还没被开除,所以这挺好的。
Original English
Jameson Greer: I do. I do have a few things right here. He's telling me we had a press conference about terrorists. He's signed it. He says, "Great job big time." Right? That's a good one. Just with any boss, you know, the longer you work with them, the more comfortable they get with you, unless they fire you, right? So far, not fired, so that's good. [music]
安娜·斯旺森: 好的。
Original English
Anna Swanson: Okay.
詹姆森·格里尔: 好的。
Original English
Jameson Greer: Okay.
安娜·斯旺森: 太棒了。非常感谢。对了,是谁画的那个《辛普森一家》?
Original English
Anna Swanson: Fantastic. Well, thank you so much. Yeah. Oh, and who did the Simpsons? [music]
纳塔莉·基特罗夫: 我们稍后回来。以下是今天您需要了解的其他核心消息。在周末,至少有三名美军士兵在中东丧生,这使得这几天成为了对伊战争爆发以来,美军伤亡最惨重的时期之一。其中两名士兵是在伊朗对约旦空军基地的袭击中丧生的,此次袭击还导致另一名美军士兵失踪。袭击视频显示,当碎片落下时,美国士兵正在寻找掩体躲避。第三名美国士兵是在伊拉克北部处置一架伊朗攻击无人机时丧生的。这些伤亡发生在一系列报复性袭击的循环中,这几乎彻底撕碎了上个月达成的停火协议,并使冲突重新升级为看起来越来越像全面战争的局势。
另外,西班牙队历史第二次夺得世界杯冠军。周日,西班牙队在加时赛中击败阿根廷队,赢得了其历史上的第二座世界杯冠军奖杯。比分是一比零。对于 39 岁的里奥·梅西来说,这无疑是一场极其令人沮丧的失败,这可能会是他职业生涯中的最后一场世界杯比赛。
本期节目由瑞奇·诺维茨基、阿斯塔·查图维迪、凯特琳·奥基夫和克莱尔·滕尼斯·盖特共同制作。由莉萨·周编辑,苏珊·李进行事实核查,并包含了马里安·洛萨诺和戴安·黄的音乐。我们的主题音乐由 Wonderly 提供。本期节目的音频工程师是克里斯·伍德。特别鸣谢本·卡斯尔曼。这就是今天的《每日新闻》,我是纳塔莉·基特罗夫。明天见。
Original English
Natalie Kitroof: We'll be right back. Here's what else you need to know today. Over the weekend, at least [music] three US service members were killed in the Middle East, making it one of the deadliest stretches of the Iran War for US forces. [music] Two of the service members were killed during an Iranian attack on an air base in Jordan, which left another US service member [music] missing. Video of the attack showed US soldiers taking cover as debris [music] fell around them. The third American was killed during the disposal of an Iranian attack [music] drone in northern Iraq. The deaths came amid a cycle of escalating attacks that has all but shredded the ceasefire [music] reached last month and brought the resumption of what increasingly looks like full-scale war. [music] And Spain, for the SECOND TIME IN THEIR HISTORY, have won the World Cup. On Sunday, Spain beat Argentina in extra time, winning its second ever World Cup. The score was one to nothing. It was an especially disappointing defeat for Lionel Messi, [music] who at 39 could have played his last World Cup game. Today's episode was produced by Ricky Novetski, Asta Chathurvedy, Caitlyn O'Keefe, and Claire Tennis Getter. It was edited by Lisa [music] Chow, fact checked by Susan Lee, and contains music by Marian Lozano and Diane Wong. Our theme [music] music is by Wonderly. This episode was engineered by Chris Wood. Special thanks to Ben Castleman. [music] That's it for the daily. I'm Natalie [music] Kitroof. See you tomorrow.
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