殊途同归:中国企业家与农民工为何都难逃“红色魔咒”? 徒步的騎手•劉宗坤 2025-10-10

中国老板们的“诡异消失”

大家好。今天我们来谈谈中国的商业环境。近年来,一个令人不安的趋势愈发明显:中国的企业家们正在“消失”。国际媒体,如《华尔街日报》,也注意到了这一现象,并以《中国老板们的诡异消失》(The Sinister Disappearance of China's Bosses)为题进行了报道。文章指出,拘留、公开羞辱和离奇死亡事件加剧了这个国家企业界的阴霾。

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Everyone, today I'm talking about the business environment in China. In recent years, a disturbing trend has become increasingly apparent: China's entrepreneurs are "disappearing." The international media, such as The Wall Street Journal, has also taken notice, reporting on it with the headline, "The Sinister Disappearance of China's Bosses." The article points out that detentions, public shaming, and suicides are intensifying the country's corporate gloom.

这种“消失”并非正常的法律程序,很多时候甚至不为外界所知。他们被一种叫做留置(Liuzhi: 一种由纪检监察机关使用的法外拘留措施,可以在没有正式司法程序的情况下对个人进行长时间的隔离审查)的手段带走。例如,2022年5月,哲库科技(Zeku)的CEO刘君在没有任何公开缘由的情况下被纪委带走留置。这类事件涉及的远不止普通商人,还包括许多知名企业家和学者。在当前的中国,一个人可能今天还在正常工作,明天就杳无音信,其资产和公司也随之被冻结或接管。

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This "disappearance" is not part of a normal legal process; often, it happens without the public's knowledge. They are taken away through a measure called "liuzhi," a form of extra-legal detention used by disciplinary commissions. For instance, in May 2022, Zeku CEO Liu Jun was taken away and placed under liuzhi by the Commission for Discipline Inspection without any public reason. Such incidents involve not only ordinary business people but also many well-known entrepreneurs and academics. In today's China, a person can be working normally one day and vanish the next, with their assets and company frozen or taken over.

“留置”具有极大的任意性和威慑力。它绕开了正式的司法体系,直接将人置于一个与外界隔绝的“黑箱”之中。被留置者的人身自由被完全剥夺,且这种状态理论上最长可达六个月,但实际上可能被无限期延长。这种做法给整个企业家群体带来了巨大的心理冲击。

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"Liuzhi" carries a strong sense of arbitrariness and deterrence. It bypasses the formal judicial system, placing individuals directly into a "black box" isolated from the outside world. The personal freedom of the detained is completely stripped away. While theoretically this can last for a maximum of six months, in reality, it can be extended indefinitely. This practice has caused a significant psychological shock to the entire entrepreneurial class.

经济寒冬与制度绞杀的双重打击

自“清零”政策结束以来,中国经济并未如预期般复苏,反而陷入了更深的困境,社会矛盾日益尖锐。这种持续的经济下行,让许多企业家对未来失去了信心。他们不敢再投资,不敢创造新的就业岗位,整个社会的信任体系正在崩塌。

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Since the end of the zero-COVID policy, China's economy has not recovered as expected. Instead, it has fallen into a deeper predicament, with social conflicts becoming increasingly sharp. This prolonged economic downturn has caused many entrepreneurs to lose confidence in the future. They are hesitant to invest or create new jobs, and the entire social fabric of trust is collapsing.

官方数据显示,尽管社会消费品零售总额在数字上略有增长,但剔除价格因素后,实际增长远未恢复到疫情前的水平。消费降级趋势明显,工业企业利润也大幅下滑,许多行业甚至出现了亏损。这种经济上的“寒冬”已经影响到了中国商业模式的根基。然而,比经济寒冬更可怕的,是制度性的绞杀。我将其称之为“红色基因魔咒”。

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Official data shows that while total retail sales of social consumer goods have seen a slight numerical increase, after factoring out price effects, the actual growth is far from returning to pre-pandemic levels. The trend of consumption downgrading is evident, and industrial profits have also declined sharply, with many sectors even operating at a loss. This economic "winter" has already impacted the foundation of China's business model. However, what is more terrifying than the economic winter is the systemic strangulation, which I call the "red-gene curse."

这个魔咒的逻辑是:当市场经济发展顺利时,政府会暂时放手,让资本自由生长;但当经济遭遇困难或资本力量威胁到其统治时,政府就会毫不犹豫地出手干预,通过司法或非法手段对私营资本进行“收割”。近两年,地方政府财政紧张,这种收割行为变得更加频繁和露骨。许多民营企业家被地方政府以各种名义“敲诈”,这是一种典型的“养肥了再杀”。

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The logic of this curse is as follows: when the market economy is developing smoothly, the government temporarily loosens its grip, allowing capital to grow freely. But when the economy encounters difficulties or the power of capital is perceived as a threat to its rule, the government will intervene without hesitation, "harvesting" private capital through judicial or extra-legal means. In the last two years, as local governments face fiscal strain, this harvesting has become more frequent and blatant. Many private entrepreneurs are "extorted" by local governments under various pretexts, a classic case of "fattening the pig for the slaughter."

从“首富”到“老赖”:失信名单的威力

除了“留置”这种极端手段,另一个扼杀商业活力的工具是失信名单(List of Dishonest Persons: 即“失信被执行人名单”,一旦被列入,个人将在信贷、高消费、出行等方面受到严格限制)。理论上,这是为了惩戒欠债不还的“老赖”,维护市场信用。但在实践中,它变成了一个威力巨大的社会控制工具。

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Besides the extreme measure of "liuzhi," another tool that stifles business vitality is the "List of Dishonest Persons." In theory, this list is meant to punish debtors who fail to repay their debts and to uphold market credit. In practice, however, it has become a powerful tool for social control.

一旦被列入失信名单,个人将无法乘坐飞机、高铁,无法进行高消费,甚至子女也无法就读收费较高的私立学校。在一个高度依赖人际关系和信誉的社会里,这无异于一种“社会性死亡”。近年来,随着经济下行,大量企业家因资金链断裂而陷入债务纠纷,被列入失信名单的人数急剧增加。数据显示,2019年疫情前,名单上约有570万人;短短几年后,这个数字已飙升至超过830万人,其中很大一部分是因合同纠纷而上榜的企业主。

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Once on this list, an individual is barred from taking flights or high-speed trains, cannot engage in high-level consumption, and their children may even be prevented from attending expensive private schools. In a society that heavily relies on personal relationships and reputation, this is tantamount to "social death." In recent years, with the economic downturn, a large number of entrepreneurs have been caught in debt disputes due to broken capital chains, leading to a sharp increase in the number of people on the list. Data shows that before the pandemic in 2019, there were about 5.7 million people on the list; just a few years later, this number has soared to over 8.3 million, a significant portion of whom are business owners listed due to contract disputes.

这种制度设计的根本问题在于,它不鼓励风险承担和创新。在美国,破产是一种正常的商业退出机制,企业家失败后仍有机会东山再起。但在中国,一次失败就可能让你永世不得翻身。就连曾经的中国首富、万达集团的王健林,今年也一度被列入失信名单。在一个连王健林都无法幸免的体系里,谁还敢放心大胆地创业和投资呢?

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The fundamental problem with this system design is that it discourages risk-taking and innovation. In the United States, bankruptcy is a normal exit mechanism for businesses, allowing entrepreneurs to start over even after failure. But in China, a single failure can mean you never get a second chance. Even Wang Jianlin of Wanda Group, once China's richest man, was briefly placed on the list this year. In a system where not even Wang Jianlin is safe, who would dare to start a business and invest with confidence?

殊途同归的命运:老板与农民工

在“红色基因魔咒”下,企业家和农民工看似处于社会两端,却走向了相同的结局。当经济繁荣时,企业家是时代的宠儿,农民工也能找到工作。但当系统性的风险来临时,企业家被“留置”、被列入“失信名单”,他们的企业倒闭,财富化为乌有。

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Under the "red-gene curse," entrepreneurs and migrant workers, though seemingly at opposite ends of the social spectrum, are heading towards the same fate. When the economy booms, entrepreneurs are the darlings of the era, and migrant workers can find jobs. But when systemic risks materialize, entrepreneurs are put under "liuzhi" or placed on the "dishonesty list," their companies collapse, and their wealth evaporates.

而失去工作的农民工,则从城市的建设者变回了农村的无业者。他们回到家乡,却发现那里同样没有机会。最终,无论是曾经风光无限的企业家,还是默默无闻的打工人,都在这个缺乏法治保障和财产安全感的体系中,失去了未来。

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The migrant workers who lose their jobs revert from being city builders to being unemployed in the countryside. They return to their hometowns only to find no opportunities there either. In the end, whether it's the once-glamorous entrepreneur or the anonymous worker, both lose their future in a system that lacks the rule of law and security for private property.

在美国,马斯克可以公开批评特朗普,而特朗普即使身为总统,也无法动用国家机器来摧毁马斯克的公司。这是因为有一个独立的司法系统和对私有财产权的保护。但在中国,权力凌驾于一切之上。许多人将社会矛盾归咎于资本家,却没有意识到,在一个权力不受制约的体系里,每个人,无论贫富,都同样脆弱。这才是中国商人和普通人需要面对的最残酷的人间常识。

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In the United States, Elon Musk can openly criticize Donald Trump, and even as president, Trump cannot use the state apparatus to destroy Musk's company. This is because there is an independent judicial system and protection for private property rights. But in China, power overrides everything. Many people blame capitalists for social conflicts, failing to realize that in a system where power is unchecked, everyone, rich or poor, is equally vulnerable. This is the harshest reality that Chinese business people and ordinary citizens must face.

📌 文中提及的人物和组织