阿尔伯塔公投前瞻
杰扬: 省长丹妮尔·史密斯最近阐明了阿尔伯塔省即将举行的公投的利害关系。
Original English
Jeyan: Premier Danielle Smith recently laid out the stakes for an upcoming referendum in Alberta.
丹妮尔·史密斯: 现在是阿尔伯塔人做出决定的时候了,我们是想要花费时间、金钱和精力去追求独立分离,还是阿尔伯塔人想要继续留在加拿大。
Original English
Danielle Smith: Now is the time for Albertans to decide whether we want to spend the time, expense, and effort pursuing separation, or whether Albertans want to remain in Canada.
杰扬: 现在,十月份的投票并不具有法律约束力,因此即使大多数人表示他们想要追求分离,这也不意味着我们所熟知的加拿大的终结。它的真实含义是在未来的某个时间点举行另一次公投。但毫无疑问,人们已经在对立的两边排好队伍,试图阐明各自的论据。
Original English
Jeyan: Now, the October vote isn't binding, so if the majority say they want to pursue separation, that wouldn't mean the end of Canada as we know it. What it would mean is another referendum at a later date. But no surprise people are lining up on both sides to try to make their case.
分离派宣传音: 嘿,阿尔伯塔,在10月19日,我们面临一个选择。是继续把我们创造的财富送往东部,还是终于能够留住我们自己建立的基业。
Original English
Separatist Campaign: Hey Alberta, on October 19th, we have a choice. Keep sending our wealth east or finally keep what we build.
联邦派宣传音: 我们在为加拿大奋斗。我们在为我们所热爱的这个国家奋斗。我们在为我们省的未来奋斗。
Original English
Federalist Campaign: We're fighting for Canada. We're fighting for the country we love. We're fighting for the future of our province.
杰扬: 我们将审视这场辩论的态势、地面上的现实以及为联邦主义所做的斗争。届时,总理马克·卡尼一直与阿尔伯塔省保持着紧密合作,特别是在能源议题上。上个月,联邦政府与该省最终敲定了一项重大协议,该协议可能会建设一条从阿尔伯塔通往西海岸的输油管道。如今,这引发了大量的批评,包括来自自由党内部成员的指责。那么,批评人士是正确的吗?总理是否在以牺牲环境为代价来追求经济增长?我们深入挖掘了政府的气候政策记录。欢迎收看《The Rundown》节目。再过几个月,阿尔伯塔省就将权衡该省是否应该举行关于分离的公投。现在,由记者、学者和前政治家组成的一个团体正联合起来,为留在加拿大陈述理由。简·格森是《The Line》的联合创始人,也是“Lead Not Leave”(领导而非离开)倡议的成员,她从渥太华加入了我们的节目。你好,简,你最近怎么样?
Original English
Jeyan: We look at the state of the debate, the realities on the ground and the fight for federalism. Then Prime Minister Mark Carney has been working closely with Alberta, especially on the energy file. Last month, the feds and the province finalised a major deal that could see a pipeline built from Alberta to the West Coast. Now, that kicked up a lot of criticism, including from members of the Liberal Party itself. So are the critics, right? Is the Prime Minister pursuing economic growth at the expense of the environment? We dig into the government's climate record. Welcome to The Rundown. In just a few months, Alberta will weigh in on whether the province should hold a referendum on separation. Now, a group of journalists, academics and former politicians are coming together to make the case for staying in Canada. Jen Gerson is a co-founder of The Line and a member of the Lead Not Leave Initiative, and she joins us from Ottawa. How are you doing, Jen?
简·格森: 我挺好的。你呢?
Original English
Jen Gerson: I'm doing well. How are you?
杰扬: 我也很好。好的,我们讨论这个话题似乎已经有好几个月了,但请帮助我们理解现在的实际感受。阿尔伯塔省是不是一直注定要走向公投?
Original English
Jeyan: I am doing well. All right. We have been talking about this for what seems like several several months, but help us understand what it does feel like. That was Alberta always headed towards a referendum?
分离运动的历史根源
简·格森: 不,不是的,这是一个主动做出的选择。阿尔伯塔分离主义长期以来一直是阿尔伯塔政治中一个根深蒂固的元素。你可以追溯到很多年前,发现从上世纪80年代国家能源计划实施以来,某种形式的分离主义运动就一直存在支持度。但它的民调支持率通常在20%左右,在特定条件下可能会达到30%左右。它一直是一个因素,是阿尔伯塔政治中一股潜在的边缘运动,尤其是在阿尔伯塔保守派政治中。但传统上,像拉尔夫·克莱因这样非常著名的省长,基本上会对这些人说,听着,通过分离授权并不能解决你们所经历和抱怨的痛苦。因此,直到现在,保守派运动在引导这些民众方面一直非常成功。他们会说,是的,我们知道你们的愤怒是合理的,你们的抱怨是有根据的,但我们不能通过分离来解决问题。在过去40年里,这是一种非常有效的策略。现在发生变化的原因在于,我认为支撑丹妮尔·史密斯的政治联盟要脆弱得多。你拥有这样一位省长,她一方面觉得有必要公开倡导联邦主义,但与此同时,她做出的实际决策却为她党内的分离主义分子将公投摆上桌面铺平了道路,而她这样做是为了试图维持组成她政党的那种日益脆弱的保守派联盟。
Original English
Jen Gerson: No, no, that was a choice. Alberta separatism has been a long standing element of Alberta politics. You could go back years and find that there's been support for a separatist movement of some kind, really, since the national Energy program in the 80s. But it's always pulled kind of in the 20s, maybe in the 30 percentile. It's always been a factor, an underlying kind of fringe movement in Alberta politics, particularly Alberta conservative politics. But traditionally, premiers and premiers like Ralph Klein rather famously just basically went to these people and said, look, there's there's no answers to the grievances that you are suffering through a separation mandate. So the conservative movement had until now been very successful at Saint Saint Louis people. Yeah. You know what? Your anger is legitimate. Your grievances are legitimate. We don't fix it by separating. And that was a very effective tack for 40 years. What changed now is I think you have a much more fragile political coalition underpinning Danielle Smith. You have a Premier who feels the need to, on one hand, you know, advocate for federalism openly, but at the same time make actual decisions that have eased the path for the separatists in her party to put a referendum on the table, and to do that in order to try and maintain an increasingly brittle, conservative coalition that comprises her party.
民意与抗议性投票
杰扬: 请帮我理解一下,就我们目前所处的局势来看,对独立的支持现在是否在增长?
Original English
Jeyan: Help me understand right now, where we stand is support for independence growing right now?
简·格森: 坦白说,这很难说。如果你与非常可信的民调专家交谈,他们会说,对某种形式分离的支持大概在30%左右,在合适的环境下可能达到40%的上限。因此,真正高度致力于建立自己的国家并带领阿尔伯塔省离开的实际人数比例,绝对属于少数,这并非多数人的立场。但这并不是我最担心的。我担心的是其他潜在的问题。如果你问阿尔伯塔人诸如“你对现状感到满意吗?”或者“你想向渥太华传递一个信号吗?”之类的问题,天哪,我们就会进入完全不同的另一场对话。对于这类问题,你会得到40%甚至高达70%的支持率。因此,如果人们走向投票箱,写在公投选票上的字句,绝不会是他们实际在投票决定的事情,对吧?他们不会是在真正决定留在还是离开加拿大。他们去投票,很多人心里想的其实是:“好吧,我知道这能让马克·卡尼看到我们是认真的”,对吧?尤其是现在这个已经提出的公投并不是一个具有约束力的公投,而是一个关于“是否要举行公投”的公投,对吧?这恰恰降低了投出抗议票的感知成本。
Original English
Jen Gerson: You know, that's really tough to say. You know, you talk to a really credible pollsters and they would say, you know, the support for separation in some form or another, maybe 30%, maybe ceiling of of 40% in the right conditions. So the actual percentage of people who are highly committed to create and create their own nation and lead Alberta is absolutely a minority prospect. That is not a majority position. But that's not really my concern. My concern is the other underlying problems. If you ask Albertans questions like, are you satisfied with the status quo or do you want to send a message to Ottawa? Oh boy, do we get into another conversation entirely. You get into the 40 even 70% support for questions like that. So if people are going to the ballot box, the words that are written on the referendum are not going to be the things they're actually voting on, right? They're not going to be voting to stay or leave Canada. They are going to be voting. And a lot of them are going to be voting thinking, well, I know this will show Mark Carney that we're serious, right? Especially now that the referendum has has been posed isn't a binding referendum, it's a referendum to have a referendum, right? That just just decreased the perceived cost of sending a protest vote.
分离运动新领导层
杰扬: 帮我们了解一下目前分离主义运动的领导人们。他们是谁?这些人是应该被认真对待的名字吗?
Original English
Jeyan: Help us understand a little bit about the leaders right now of the separatist movement. Who are they? Are these names that should be taken seriously?
简·格森: 好的。我认为现在发生的情况是,既然我们已经有一场实际的投票摆在了日程表上,围绕分离主义运动的领导层——这历来是一个非常分散、非常不成熟的运动。在分离主义运动内部有许多派别在寻找不同的目标。比如,有些人高度致力于建立一个独立的阿尔伯塔省;有些人则抱有这样的想法,即如果我们举行投票,我们就能获得与渥太华重新谈判联邦协定的筹码;还有些人则致力于像“嘿,我们会被美国吞并”这样的想法。所有这些人都聚集在这个非常松散、非常混乱的联盟中。而在今天之前,该运动最公开的领导人包括像杰夫·拉斯和米奇·西尔维斯特这样的人,他们是有效的草根领袖。他们非常擅长诉诸并唤起大量的愤怒和怨恨,尤其是文化上的愤怒和文化怨恨,特别是在阿尔伯塔省的农村居民中,当然也有一些城市居民。但他们在那些农村地区以外,并不被视为是主流的,或者用一个更好的词来说,是不够“体面”的。他们在这些农村口袋之外,不具备民主合法性或可信度。因此,我认为我们现在开始看到,由于有了日程上的投票,出现了一个新的、更具可信度的领导阶层。我认为现在最顶尖的领导人竞争者是像基斯·威尔逊这样的人,他是一位律师,实际上在几周前与杰森·肯尼进行了一场辩论。事实上,那场辩论非常有效,他并没有表现得歇斯底里。他在论证和方法上实际上是相当接地气的。我认为他的许多论点都是误导性的,而且很容易在事实基础上面予以驳斥,但他确实似乎有能力做出听起来很可信的论点,同时迎合他追随者的真实感受。这使得他作为分离主义领袖,比之前的某些人要强大得多。
Original English
Jen Gerson: Right. So I think what's happened now is now that we have an actual vote on the books, the leadership around the separatist movement, which has always been a very sort of decentralised, very inchoate movement. There were many factions within the separatist movement looking for different things. Like there were people who are highly committed to an independent Alberta. There are people who are committed to this idea that if we hold a vote, we will have leverage in order to renegotiate Confederation with Ottawa. And there are people who are committed to like, hey, we're going to be annexed by by America. Like all of these people kind of come together in this very loose, very messy coalition. And up until to date, the most public leaders of, of that movement have committed, like Jeff Rath and Mitch Sylvester, who are effective grassroots leaders. They have been very effective at speaking to a lot of anger and a lot of outrage, especially a lot of cultural anger and a lot of cultural outrage, particularly among rural Albertans and some some urban Albertans, too. But they aren't regarded as mainstream or, for lack of a better term, respectable. They don't have kind of democratic legitimacy or credibility outside of those rural pockets. So I think what we're starting to see happen now that there's a vote on the books is there's a new class of of more credible leadership. I think the top leadership contender now is someone like Keith Wilson, who's a lawyer who actually debated Jason Kenney a couple of weeks ago, actually, very effectively, he, he, he doesn't come across as unhinged. He's actually pretty grounded in his in his arguments and his approaches. I think many of his arguments are misguided and pretty easy to, to refute on factual grounds. But he does seem to have this ability to make credible sounding arguments that at the same time speak to the real feelings of his followers. And that makes him much more potent as a separatist leader than some of the previous ones.
“领导而非离开”
杰扬: 嗯,这把我带到了“Lead Not Leave”(领导而非离开),这是一个你参与其中的倡议。请帮我理解一下,你谈到了维持现状,告诉我你们的目标是什么,以及我也很好奇,这些声音是否能够真正有效地与阿尔伯塔人对话并让他们理解。
Original English
Jeyan: Well, this brings me to lead, not leave, an initiative that you're a part of helped me understand. You talked about the status quo, tell me what the goal is and sort of how I I'm curious if these are the right voices to be able to talk to Albertans and help me understand that.
简·格森: 是的。“Lead Not Leave”是一个很有意思的倡议。我亲切地把“Lead Not Leave”称为我的“书呆子群体”,对吧?因为这些人是这个省里最懂政策的一群人,而且并不一定是党派化的,尽管其中一些人确实有党派倾向。但他们是令人信服的政策人员,他们希望走到一起并说,听着,让我们实际上去测试其中一些想法和政策。让我们提出一套我们作为这个省可以实际推进的事情,这既能切实解决其中的一些宿怨,同时也向加拿大其他地区展示,为什么这个省会涌现出如此多的领导力量,对吧?这种满腹怨言的状况往往能够催生出优秀的领导力和极佳的政策,我们过去就曾做到过这一点。我们已经证明了这一点。我是说,几天前戴夫·康纳尔传播了一个非常精彩的视频片段,那是在2003年,拉尔夫·克莱因站在进步保守党面前,面对分离主义分子的严厉指责。他对这些家伙说,我知道你们对小麦局感到愤怒,我知道你们对枪支登记系统感到愤怒,我也知道你们对参议院感到愤怒,但是分离主义解决不了这些问题中的任何一个。当然,20年后,小麦局已经不复存在,枪支登记也已经取消。老实说,我并不太在乎参议院。因此,我们这里有一个被事实证明的记录表明,是的,我们确实存在问题。我们不同意渥太华处理某些事情的方式。虽然我们是一个因为人口规模较小而没有在民主代表席位上获得同等体量的省份,但我们发挥了超越自身体量的作用,我们确实发挥了超越体量的影响力。我们可以为了积极的目标在这里动员民众。如果不得不经历分离主义运动,尽管我不希望看到其发生,但如果这就是我们必须做的事情,那好,就让我们将这种运动催化成某种富有成效且积极的力量。
Original English
Jen Gerson: Yeah. So lead not leave is an interesting initiative. I mean, I lovingly call lead, not leave my nerd herd, right? Because these are some of the most policy wonky people in the province and not not necessarily partisan. Those certainly some of them are partisan, but but they're they're credible policy people who wanted to come together and say, look, let's, let's, let's actually test some of these ideas and policies. Let's put forward a suite of things that we can actually move forward on as a province that actually addresses some of these grievances and demonstrates to the rest of Canada that there's a reason why so much leadership comes out of this province, right? That grievance has a tendency to create amazing leadership and amazing policy, and we've done that in the past. We've shown that. So, I mean, there was an amazing clip that was circulated by Dave Cornwell a couple of days ago, from 2003, where it was Ralph Klein standing up in front of the Progressive Conservative Party being, you know, railed at by separatists. And he said to these guys, like, I understand that you're angry, but the Wheat Board and I understand that you're angry, but the gun registry and I understand that you're angry about the Senate, but the, you know, separatism doesn't solve any of these problems. And of course, 20 years later, the Wheat Board's gone, the gun registry is gone. And honestly, I don't really care very much about the Senate. So, so like, we have a demonstrated track record here of, of saying, yeah, we got a problem. We disagree with the way Ottawa is doing something. And, and we and we're a smaller province that doesn't necessarily have the democratic representation as a result of our smaller size, but we punch above our weight and we do punch above our weight. You know, we can mobilise people to positive ends here. And if the separatism movement, which I don't want to have to go through, but if this is what we have to do, fine, let's catalyse that movement into something productive and positive.
公投的政治后果
杰扬: 我想在这个国家的各个角落,许多人的目光都会聚焦在10月19日这一天。我也很好奇,即使独立最终没有发生,仅仅是提出这个问题,对于阿尔伯塔省以及这个国家的其他地区会产生什么影响?
Original English
Jeyan: I think a lot of eyes will be on October 19th, of course, across this country. And I am curious, even if separation doesn't happen, does asking the question have on Alberta and the rest of the country?
简·格森: 我的担忧是这样的:听着,如果这是一场支持留下的85%对15%的压倒性投票,那么我们就能将这个议题搁置一代人的时间,从而能够将精力集中在真正富有成效、能切实改善普通阿尔伯塔人生活的事情上。我们就不必在这个如此低效的事情上浪费我们如此多的政治时间和资本了。但如果投票结果更接近于例如60%对40%支持留下,那我们现在就面对一个活跃的运动了。现在,分离主义者将会试图再次尝试。而如果投票结果是——老天保佑——50%对50%,因为许多人来到投票箱前心里想的是“去你的,渥太华,反正我不会失去我的护照,我不会遭受任何负面后果,所以去你的,渥太华。”那么,在接下来的几年里,在我们这个省的生活中,这就是一个长期持续的活跃问题了,对吧?我们所有的注意力、精力和带宽都将在接下来的几年里被这件事情榨干。我认为这会创造巨大的经济不确定性。它会创造政治不确定性。我认为它甚至可能分裂联合保守党(UCP)。我不知道有什么严肃的投资者会看着这个烂摊子然后心想:“是的,我打算往这里砸个10亿美元。”这绝没有任何一点能够彰显出信心、安全、稳定,甚至都不包含自我控制或底气。这关乎自信,对吧?这一切都无法向外界投射出我们希望阿尔伯塔省所展现的那种特质。
Original English
Jen Gerson: Like my fear is like, okay, look, if this is an 85, 15% vote to to stay, then we get to put this issue to bed for a generation and we can focus on stuff that's productive and will actually help the lives of ordinary Albertans. And we don't have to waste so much of our political time and capital on something so unproductive as this. But if the vote is closer to like 6040 even to stay now we have a live movement. Now we have separatists who are going to try this again. And if the vote, God help us is 5050 because so many people came to the polls thinking, screw you, Ottawa, I won't lose my passport. I'm not going to suffer any consequences. But screw you, Ottawa. Well, now we have now we have a live issue for the next several years of our lives in this, in this, in this province, right? All of our attention, energy and, and bandwidth has are have to get sapped into this for years. And I think that creates enormous economic uncertainty. It creates political uncertainty. I think it'll potentially split the UCP. Like, I don't know what serious investor is going to look at this basket case and think, yeah, I'm going to throw $1 billion down on that. Like, like nothing about that screams confidence, security, stability, and also not even like self-control or confidence. Like it's self-confidence, right? None of that projects the types of things that we want to be projected about. Alberta.
杰扬: 简,在10月19日来临之际,我们和加拿大其他地方都将会密切关注此事。非常感谢你参与节目。我们非常感激你宝贵的时间。
Original English
Jeyan: Jen. We will be watching, as will the rest of Canada when it comes to the October 19th. Thank you so much for this. We really appreciate your time.
简·格森: 谢谢。
Original English
Jen Gerson: Thank you.
能源协议与气候政策
杰扬: 卡尼政府采取了行动,取消了针对消费者的碳排放定价体系。它还取消了电动汽车的强制指令以及针对石油和天然气的排放上限。因此,我们必须提出这个问题:渥太华在应对气候变化问题上是否是认真的?从哈利法克斯加入我们的是玛莎·霍尔·芬德利,她是卡尔加里大学公共政策学院的主任;而在蒙特利尔加入我们的是卡罗琳·布鲁莱特,她是加拿大气候行动网络的执行主任。非常感谢你们二位加入连线。真的非常期待这次对话。卡罗琳,我先从你开始。关于阿尔伯塔与渥太华之间的谅解备忘录(MOU),我想你曾将其描述为“马克·卡尼正手持大锤砸向加拿大的气候计划”。为什么会这样说?
Original English
Jeyan: The Carney government acts, the tax, getting rid of the consumer carbon price. It also got rid of the electric vehicle mandate and the oil and gas cap. So we have to ask the question Is Ottawa serious about fighting climate change? Joining us from Halifax, Martha Hall Findlay is the director of the School of Public Policy at the University of Calgary and from Montreal. Caroline Brouillette is the executive director of Climate Action Network Canada. Thank you so much, both of you, for joining us on the line. Really looking forward to this conversation. Carolyn, I'm going to start with you. Memorandum of understanding between Alberta and Ottawa. You have, I believe you have described it as Mark Carney taking a sledgehammer to Canada's climate plan. How so?
卡罗琳·布鲁莱特: 好的。我认为首要且最重要的一点是,与该国最显赫的化石燃料游说集团进行谈判,永远不可能为加拿大民众以及整个地球带来理想的成果。这位总理在竞选时基于的政治前提是,工业碳定价确实是他用来推动加拿大在其领导下减少碳排放的关键工具。而我们通过这份谅解备忘录以及几周前公布的实施协议所看到的,是他实际上对丹妮尔·史密斯做出了妥协让步,将我们达到每吨碳130加元标称价格的时间节点推迟了许多年。而这所产生的实际效果不仅降低了我们履行对《巴黎协定》2030年和2035年承诺的概率,而且也扼杀了我们到2050年实现净零排放的机会。
Original English
Caroline Brouillette: Well, I think first and foremost, negotiating with the country's most prominent fossil fuel lobbyists was never going to yield ideal outcomes, both for Canadians and for the planet. The Prime Minister ran on the premise of industrial carbon pricing really being the key tool that he would use to drive emissions reductions in Canada under his leadership. And what we saw through this memorandum of of understanding and the implementation agreement that was published a couple of weeks ago, is that he actually gave a concession to Danielle Smith to postpone by many years the moment at which we would reach the headline price for a $130 per tonne of of carbon. And what that effectively does is not only reduce our chances of meeting our 2030 and 2035 commitments to the Paris Agreement, but also stop our chances of meeting net zero by 2050.
杰扬: 玛莎,你是怎么看待这一点的?
Original English
Jeyan: Martha, how do you see it?
玛莎·霍尔·芬德利: 听着,那份谅解备忘录是与阿尔伯塔省签署的,而不是与什么游说集团。我个人认为这份谅解备忘录是具有历史意义的。我认为这是联邦政府与阿尔伯塔省之间关系的一个极好的进展。而且坦率地说,我认为对所有省份来说都是如此,因为它展示了联邦政府与各省份开展合作的意愿。你知道的,我只是觉得加拿大在过去制定过关于各种事情的目标。但是,在我们制定那些目标时,我们曾是全球共识(即巴黎协定)的一部分。但我告诉你,现在已经是2026年了,世界已经发生了如此戏剧性的变化。我对马克·卡尼表示由衷的赞赏,因为他能切合实际地认识到这一点。他过去曾持有非常强烈的气候观点,并且我认为他的意图非常好。但此时此刻,他也是一个政府的领导人,我们意识到我们需要将数十亿加元用于国家安全、国防以及经济多元化。我们需要使我们的政策与国家安全、经济多元化相一致,而在经济多元化方面,要涵盖对加拿大经济极其重要的所有关键行业。最后我想说的是,我认为所有这些都是极好的。这也许并不令人意外,但我还想说,我认为加拿大以及加拿大民众——我的意思是,每一项民意调查都会向你表明,人们确实关心气候,但他们此时此刻更关心可负担性,关心我们的资金流向了哪里,关心我们把钱花在了什么地方,包括国家安全、经济多元化以及我们的整体繁荣。因此,我只是认为我们加拿大有时在谈论自己在气候方面能够实现什么时,存在一种极其虚妄的傲慢。其实我们能做到的微乎其微。而当世界上其他地方现在都把焦点集中在能源安全和生活可负担性上时,我还是要说,如果认为加拿大能够耗费数十亿加元,并以付出数十亿加元为代价去强加各种规章制度,这种想法就是一种虚妄的傲慢。在2026年,这绝对没有任何道理。
Original English
Martha Hall Findlay: Well, look, the MoU was with the province of Alberta, not with a lobby. I personally think the MOU is is is historic. I think this is a fantastic development in the relationship between the federal government and Alberta. And frankly, I think all provinces, because it shows a willingness on the part of the federal government to to work with provinces. I you know, I just I find it Canada has set goals for a variety of things in the past. But, you know, when we set those goals, we were part of what felt like a, a global consensus, you know, the Paris accord. But I tell you, you know, it's 2026 and the world has changed so dramatically. And I give kudos to Marc Carney for actually recognising he's, you know, he's had very strong climate views in, in the past and I think very good intentions. But he's also the head of a government at a time where we realised we need to spend billions of dollars on national security, on national defence, on economic diversification. We need to align our policies with security, with economic diversification and economic diversification of all of the sectors that are so important for the Canadian economy. And I will just finish off. So I think I think all of this is fantastic. It's I think that's probably not a surprise, but I will also say, I think Canada, Canada and Canadians, Canadians, I mean, every poll will show you people care about climate, but they care way more right now about affordability, about where our money is going, what we're spending on including things like, you know, this national security, economic diversification, etc. and our prosperity. And so I just think we have an extremely false arrogance in Canada sometimes about what we can accomplish in terms of climate. It's not very much. And when the rest of the world is now focussed on energy security and affordability, I go back to it's a false arrogance to think that Canada can spend billions of dollars and impose regulations at the cost of billions of dollars. That just makes absolutely no sense in 2026.
加拿大排放的国际背景
杰扬: 玛莎,你能帮我们把这一点具体化吗?你提到,在加拿大能够对气候做出的贡献方面,其能做到的“微乎其微”。你具体是指什么?
Original English
Jeyan: Martha, can you help contextualise that? You said very little in terms of what Canada could do on climate. What do you mean by that?
玛莎·霍尔·芬德利: 也就是说,加拿大的排放量仅占全球总排放量的1.3%。我想明确说明,我们都希望减少排放,但我希望确保的是,尤其是当世界由于能源安全的视角正面临巨大不同的关切时,应当看清这一背景:加拿大的碳排放占全球排放量的1.3%,这几乎是可以忽略不计的。即使我们明天就关闭所有的石油和天然气生产——这在大约占全球1.3%的加拿大总排放中贡献了大概12.5%的比例——即使这样,在地球尺度上,我们也还是微不足道的。这并不意味着我们不应该尽自己的本分。但正如在2020年,当我们把整个“路径项目”(Pathways Project)整合在一起以实现油砂净零排放的第一步时,那是全球共识的一部分。当时全世界都有各个国家参与其中,如果加拿大是所有人中的一员,那么在大家同心协力的情况下,这一点点努力确实能够为改变局势做出贡献,这就是我们当时的态度。但是,这种情况现在已经不复存在了。因此,如果加拿大在世界已经发生改变的同时继续沿着原来的路径孤军奋战,那就忽视了加拿大民众当前所面临的当务之急。这并不是要剥夺气候的重要性,也不是要否定减少排放的意义。这完全关乎作为加拿大人的务实和理性。
Original English
Martha Hall Findlay: So, you know, Canada contributes 1.3% of all of global emissions. I'm not I'm not. Just to be clear, we all want to reduce emissions, but I want to make sure that the context, especially now that the world is facing massively different concerns from an energy security perspective, Canada contributes 1.3% of of global emissions, which is pretty negligible. And if we were to shut down our our production of oil and gas tomorrow, which contributes about 12.5, oil and gas producer contributes about 12.5% of that 1.5%. So 1.3%. So we're not talking, you know, globally, we're insignificant. That doesn't mean we shouldn't be doing our part. But, you know, in 2020, when we were putting together the whole pathways project to get to, you know, the first step to get to net zero in the oilsands, it was part of a global consensus. There were countries all around the world, and if Canada were one of everyone else, then that little bit could have actually contributed to making a difference if everybody pulled together, that was our attitude then that that's not happening anymore. And so for Canada to continue down this path while the world has changed, it just ignores the priorities facing Canadians right now. And it's not to take away from climate the importance of climate, the importance of emissions reduction. It's all about being pragmatic and realistic as Canadians.
杰扬: 卡罗琳,这里有几点需要你进行回应,我注意到你正摇头表示不同意。请帮我们理解一下你的观点。
Original English
Jeyan: Carolyn, a few things for you to respond there, but I saw you nodding your head in disagreement. So help me understand a little bit.
卡罗琳·布鲁莱特: 是的。我很欣慰霍尔·芬德利女士提到了全球背景,因为我的工作中很大一部分,以及我们在加拿大气候行动网络中所做的事,就是与世界各地的同行及司法管辖区建立联系,包括积极参与关键的气候外交时刻。因此,我们必须指出的第一点是,在2026年,就能源转型的经济性而言,世界确实非常不同。正如我们所看到的,例如,根据国际能源署(IEA)的数据,在可再生能源方面的投资额实际上已经达到了石油和天然气投资额的两倍。所以,当我听到关于2026年全球背景的言论时,是的,在《巴黎协定》的190多个缔约方中,确实有一个政党已经离开,那就是唐纳德·特朗普治下的美国。他现在正推动一项议程,旨在维持不仅是美国、更是全世界对极其不稳定且昂贵的化石燃料的依赖,顺便说一句,这些燃料即使在加拿大,也是由大多数美国公司拥有的。因此,我们面临着一个抉择。我们是要跟随这一个国家,还是我们要看看世界其他地方正在朝哪里发展?欧盟已于今年年初开始根据其进口商品的碳强度在边境征收关税。中国也在未来的关键技术行业中推动了巨大增长,包括在发展中国家,而这些技术正日益趋向电气化。我们这里谈论的是太阳能光伏(PV),我们谈论的是电动汽车。因此,在这个我们必须实现经济多元化的时刻,我们面临选择。我们是要在过去的经济上加倍下注——这种经济正使我们的健康受损(比如我们正处于又一个野火季节的起点,这再一次对社区和生态系统造成毁灭性的打击),但它也正使我们在经济上变得更加脆弱。当我提到我的角色有一部分是与世界各地的人们交流时,我们经常听到这种论调,说我们的国家占全球碳污染的份额较小,因此,我们不需要如此关注。我从世界各地的国家口中都听到过这种说辞。这就是美国和中国这两个污染最严重的经济体之间长久以来的辩论焦点。气候危机的现实是,所有国家都需要携手合作来共同面对。而且加拿大,尽管自身的排放量占全球排放量的1.6%(注:此处引用数据略有差异),但仍然是世界上第十大排放国。而这还没有算上我们出口的燃料所造成的污染。因此,我们承担着责任。但在这个关键的时刻,当我们在努力将我们的经济多样化、减少对特朗普治下的美国的依赖时,对我们来说也是一个机遇,去实际投资于那些在全球范围内已经开始加速并占据主导地位的未来技术。
Original English
Caroline Brouillette: Yeah. I mean, I'm glad that Mrs. Hall Findlay is mentioning the global context, because a big part of of my job and what we do at Climate Action Network Canada is engage with colleagues and jurisdictions across the world, including us, in key climate diplomacy moments. And so the first thing we have to say is that indeed, in 2026, it is a very different world in terms of the economics of the energy transition and how we're seeing, for instance, investments in renewable actually dwarf by twice the investments in oil and gas. And that's not just according to me, it's according to the International Energy Agency. And so when I hear things about the context in 2026, yes, of course, there is one party amidst the over 190 parties to the Paris Agreement that has left that is, the United States under Donald Trump, who is now driving forward an agenda to maintain not only the United States, but the world's dependence on extremely volatile, costly fossil fuels that, by the way, are owned, including in Canada by a majority of American companies. And so we have a choice. Are we going to follow this one country, or are we going to look at where the rest of the world is going? The European Union has started at the beginning of the year to impose a tariff at the border on the basis of the carbon intensity of of the goods they import. China has driven immense growth, including in developing countries, in key sectors of the technologies of the future, which are increasingly electric. We're talking about solar PV, photovoltaic. We're talking about electric vehicles. So in this moment where we have to diversify our economy, we have a choice. Are we going to double down in the economy of the past and economy that is making us less healthy? You know, we're at the beginning of another wildfire season that is once again, going to be devastating on on communities and ecosystems, but it's also making us more economically vulnerable. When I say, you know, we're the that part of my role is, is, is conversing with, with folks from around the world. We hear this argument that our country is doing a smaller share of or is responsible for a smaller share of carbon pollution. Therefore, we shouldn't be so concerned. I hear that from countries around the world. That has been the debate between the United States and China, who are the two most polluting economies. The reality of the climate crisis is that all countries need to work together to face it. And Canada, despite emitting 1.6% of global emissions, is one of the 10th largest bigger polluters in the world. And that's without counting the pollution of the fuels we export. So we have a responsibility. But there's also an opportunity for us in this crucial moment while we are trying to diversify our economy away from President Trump's United States, to actually invest in the technologies of the future that are already starting to accelerate and dominate globally.
输油管道与政治抉择
杰扬: 好的。我想稍微转换一下话题。我们刚才与记者简·格森谈到了阿尔伯塔省的分离主义情绪。玛莎,我想知道,建设输油管道,是不是为了将该省留在联邦框架内而必须付出的代价?正如我们所知,所有目光都将聚焦在10月19日。我很想知道这是否是目前正在发生的对话的重要组成部分。
Original English
Jeyan: All right. I want to switch gears a little bit. We just spoke to journalists Jen Gerson earlier about sort of the separatist sentiment in Alberta. And I am wondering, Martha, building a pipeline? Is it just the price to pay in order to keep the province? And in Confederation, as we know, all eyes will be on October 19th. I am curious if that is part and parcel with sort of the conversations that are happening right now.
玛莎·霍尔·芬德利: 我认为这个时机纯属巧合,这也非常令人沮丧。我主张修建通往西海岸的输油管道并不是为了阿尔伯塔省。我之所以主张并坚持多年,是因为我是一个加拿大公民,是因为该行业对我们的经济繁荣和经济多样化具有举足轻重的重要性。所以,非常明确的一点是,我并不是站在阿尔伯塔省人的角度来说这些话的,这是我们国家GDP中庞大且影响全国的重要组成部分。因此,我们必须继续强调这一事实,即这对整个加拿大都是巨大的利益输入。如果所有国家都齐心协力,我并不反对加拿大应该尽自己的一份力量,但现在的情况是大家并没有共同前行。而且,说实话,中国在可再生能源方面的投资并不是出于他们必须为应对气候变化做出贡献的道德观念,而是因为他们的主要城市当时面临严重的宜居性问题。因此,他们需要为城市交通实施电气化。这很好,值得为他们点赞。他们现在已经在建造电动汽车方面建立了比其他任何国家都好得多的技术。但退一步来说,完全从现实主义的眼光来看,在2026年,世界关注的焦点是能源安全。因此,对于所有其他国家,即使是那些曾对“加拿大必须尽其一份力量”极其严厉的欧洲国家,我们刚刚看到德国与我们的一个液化天然气(LNG)生产商签署了协议,对吧?我们看到世界各地的国家都在给我们打电话。你可以去和任何在外交事务领域工作的人交流,去找任何人谈谈。他们会打来电话说,我们需要加拿大的能源。我们需要加拿大的石油,我们需要加拿大的天然气。顺便说一句,还有电力。你不能跨洋传输电力。它必须以液化天然气(LNG)的形式存在。在面临重大危机的当下,我们不仅对加拿大人和加拿大人的繁荣负有责任,而且我们还对我们的盟友以及志同道合的国家负有义务。去问问他们中的任何一个,他们的当务之急究竟是让加拿大此时此刻去处理其在全球排放承诺中那微不足道的占比,还是让加拿大建立起一些能源基础设施以使他们能够获得能源安全。我可以向你保证答案会是什么。因此,坦率地说,对于加拿大而言,现在是一个开始务实审视本国、审视加拿大能做什么以及在现有的全球环境下我们能在哪些方面做出最大贡献的时刻。
Original English
Martha Hall Findlay: I think the timing is purely coincidental and it's and it's really frustrating. I don't advocate for. Pipeline to the West Coast for Alberta. I advocate for it and have done for years because I'm a Canadian and because of the importance both of this sector to our economic prosperity and for our economic diversification. So just to be really clear, I'm not saying that any of this as an Albertan, this is a country wide, massive part of our national GDP. And so, you know, we, we, we have to continue to reinforce the fact that this is a huge import to Canada. I don't disagree that if all countries were pulling together, Canada should do its part, but they're not anymore. And, you know, let's be honest, the investment in renewables in China was not because of any moral view that they should contribute to to climate change is because their major cities were unliveable. And so they needed to electrify their urban transit. And good on them. They've now established technologies that they've done so much better than anybody else in building EVs. But right now, being completely realistic in 2026, the world is focussed on energy security. So for all those other countries, even the Europeans who were extremely tough on, you know, Canada has to do its part. And we have we just Germany just signed a deal with one of our LNG producers, right? We have countries around the world calling us. You talk to anybody in global affairs, talk to anybody. They're calling and saying, we need Canada's energy. We need Canada's oil, and we need Canada's gas. And by the way, electricity. You can't transmit that across oceans. It has to be in the form of LNG. We not only have an obligation to Canadians and Canadians prosperity right now at a time of of significant crisis, but we also have an obligation to our allies and to like minded countries and ask any one of them, which is their priority, that Canada actually deal with the tiny percentage of its commitment to global emissions right now, or actually get some energy infrastructure so that they can have energy security. And I can guarantee you what the answer will be. And so this is a moment, frankly, for Canada to start being realistic about Canada and what Canada can do and where we can contribute the most in the, in the in the global environment that we have right now.
卡尼政府的政治代价
杰扬: 卡罗琳,我很想知道卡尼可能为此付出的政治代价。如我们所知,斯蒂芬·吉尔伯特上周因对此产生关切而宣布辞去议会议员职务。此外,还有14名自由党议员联名给总理写信,表达对这些气候政策倒退的担忧。我很想知道,如果卡尼在这条路上走得太远,是否会有政治代价需要付出?
Original English
Jeyan: Caroline, I am curious about sort of the political price that could potentially, you know, cost Carney a little bit here on, you know, as we know, Steven Guilbeault announced his resignation from Parliament last week over this. And there was a letter signed by 14 Liberal MPs to the Prime Minister about concerns about these rollbacks. And I am curious, is there a price to be paid if Carney goes too far in that direction?
卡罗琳·布鲁莱特: 好的。我们上周发布了一项民意调查,正是针对不列颠哥伦比亚省和魁北克省的11个选区的选民提出了这个问题。我们的调查结果显示,选民们以7比10的比例,实际上非常反对将纳税人的钱以及公共资金投资于通往西海岸的管道。如果他们所在的议员支持这类公共融资或其他化石燃料补贴,他们重选或投票给该议员(尤其是自由党议员)的可能性也会降低。因此,对于“修建管道可以平息阿尔伯塔分离主义情绪”这一想法,似乎确实存在着政治代价。而且我认为我的年龄足以让我记得一条叫做“跨山管道扩张”(Trans Mountain expansion)的管道,它最终花费了加拿大民众数百亿加元。但我们现在仍然面临着分离主义情绪,而且与联邦政府的紧张关系甚至比以前更高。所以,我认为我们需要对这个想法保持高度警惕。我还想回到能源主权这个概念上,因为我同意玛莎的看法,即能源安全和主权确实是当今世界上许多国家非常关心的问题。但是,我刚刚从肯尼亚回来,我所听到的是,各国正在寻求投资于其国内产能以满足其自身的能源需求。因此,我认为我们确实需要质疑这一观念,即在各国非常期待在国内满足自身需求的当下,出口燃料能让加拿大在经济上变得更加强大。对于许多国家,包括加拿大正瞄准的东南亚许多市场,我们正看到大量的需求破坏,这主要是由于旨在实现长期电气化的政策投资,无论是烹饪还是交通,都以减少对化石燃料的长期需求的方式在推进。
Original English
Caroline Brouillette: Well. We conducted polling that we released last week to ask just this question to voters in 11 ridings in British Columbia and Quebec. And what we find is that voters, by a margin of 7 to 10, actually really oppose the idea of public funding, taxpayer dollars being invested in a pipeline to the West Coast. They are also less likely to vote or re-elect their MP, especially if it's a Liberal MP. If that MP supports this type of public finance or other fossil fuel subsidies. So there seems to be very much a political cost to this idea that, yet again, a pipeline would appease separatist sentiment in Alberta. And I think I'm old enough to remember a pipeline called the Trans Mountain expansion that ended up costing tens of billions of dollars to Canadians. And we are here now with separatist sentiment and tensions with the federal government that are higher than they were before. So I think we need to be very careful with that idea. I also want to come back to this idea of energy sovereignty, because I agree with Martha that energy security and sovereignty is where many countries in the world are really concerned right now. But what I hear, and I'm just back from from Kenya, is that countries are looking to invest in their domestic capacity to meet their energy needs. So I think we need to really question this idea that exporting fuels will make Canada more economically strong. In a moment where countries are very much looking to meet their needs domestically. And for many countries, including in Southeast Asia, where there are many markets that Canada is is targeting, we're seeing a lot of demand destruction through investment in long term policies that electrify, whether it's cooking, whether it's transportation in a way that reduces demand in the long term for fossil fuels.
杰扬: 玛莎。
Original English
Jeyan: Martha.
玛莎·霍尔·芬德利: 事实上,那些国家中的大多数并不具备实现这一目标的国内产能。他们至少需要液化天然气(LNG)来作为过渡。我的意思是,甚至连国际能源署(IEA)也已经承认,对石油和天然气的需求实际上仍在继续攀升。而在当下,最为核心的问题是生活可负担性。但我们能否先回到刚才的话题?你们调查了多少个选区?我们在加拿大有数百个选区。作为一名前政治家,我还要说的是,我个人真的不赞同“匿名”这种做法。如果那14位议员想要向他们的领导人和总理传达信息,他们实际上应该公开承认自己是谁。第二点是,如果不是因为马克·卡尼,我敢说他们中的好几个人现在可能都没有这份议员工作了,对吧?马克·卡尼得以当选,他的政府得以当选,很大程度上是因为加拿大人意识到我们目前正处于一个面临巨大挑战的时期,我们需要一个能够展现领导力、在加拿大必须站出来承认时代已经改变的时刻做出艰难决定的人。我再次强调,人们最关心的是可负担性、住房,但也绝对包括国家安全和国家繁荣。跨山管道扩张项目,在其开始输油的那一刻起,就为我们的GDP贡献了将近一个半百分点。这只是扩张部分的数字,绝非小数。这对于所有加拿大民众的繁荣和可负担性都是至关重要的。因此,我个人其实并不在乎总理属于什么政治派别。我们现在看到的是一个正在承担国家重任、在重大挑战时期做出艰难抉择的领导层。我对此表示完全支持。
Original English
Martha Hall Findlay: And most of those countries don't have the capacity to do that. And they'll need at the very at the very least, LNG. I mean, the demand is even the International Energy Agency has acknowledged the demand for oil and gas continues to go up. And now the by far the key question is affordability. But can I just go back for a second? How many ridings did you pull? Like we have hundreds of ridings in Canada. I will also say, as a former politician. I really don't subscribe to the concept of anonymity. If 14 MPs wanted to send a message to their leader and their prime minister, they should have actually acknowledged who they were. The second piece is that if it hadn't been for Mark Carney, I would argue that several of them probably wouldn't have a job right now. Right? And Mark Carney got elected and his government got elected very much because Canadians realised we are in a time of significant challenge right now, and we need somebody who can show the leadership, make the tough decisions that are needed at a time when Canada has to step up and acknowledge times have changed and I'll go back. People are affordability, housing, but absolutely national security, national prosperity, Trans Mountain expansion. It all added almost a point and a half to our GDP. The minute it started flowing. The expansion part, I mean, these are not small numbers. And this is important for the prosperity and the affordability for all Canadians. And so I personally I don't care what what colour stripe the Prime Minister is. We see a we see leadership now that is taking the import of Canada at a time of significant challenge and making some tough decisions. And I and I fully support that.
杰扬: 这些无疑是将要影响长远的艰难决定,我们将继续保持关注。玛莎,卡罗琳,我们的连线讨论只能到此为止了。非常感谢你们二位。
Original English
Jeyan: These are going to be some tough decisions that we will continue to follow. Martha. Caroline, we are going to have to leave it there. I really appreciate it. Thank you so much.
卡罗琳·布鲁莱特: 非常感谢。谢谢。
Original English
Caroline Brouillette: Thank you so much. Merci.
杰扬: 我是杰扬。感谢收看《The Rundown》。在您投票给谁的问题上,气候变化因素占了多少比重?请发送邮件至 rundown@TVO.org 告诉我们。或者像往常一样,在我们的 YouTube 页面上给我们留下评论,让我们知道您的想法。在那之前,我们下周再见。
Original English
Jeyan: I'm Jeyan. Thank you for watching The Rundown. How much does climate change factor into who you vote for? Email us at rundown@TVO.org. Or as always, drop us a comment on our YouTube page and let us know what you think. Until then, I will see you next week.