霍尔木兹海峡的危机与油价迷局
Joe Weisenthal: 大家好,欢迎收听新一期的 Odd Lots 播客。我是 Joe Weisenthal。我们今天录制的时间是 2026 年 6 月 24 日中午,此时布伦特原油的价格已经跌破了每桶 74 美元。这确实令人叹为观止。
Original English
Joe Weisenthal: Hello and welcome to another episode of the Odd Lots podcast. I'm Joe Wiesenthal. Tracy, recording this June 24th at noon, Brent crude is below $74 a barrel.
Tracy Alloway: 的确如此。回想起战争刚爆发时,那场危机的情景真的是太疯狂了。即使是在最极端的情况下,比如霍尔木兹海峡被迫关闭——这个原油分析师们多年来一直视作终极尾部风险的事件真正发生时——我记得布伦特原油的价格也从来没有真正突破过每桶 120 美元。
Original English
Tracy Alloway: I know. It's crazy to look back when the Iran war started. I don't think we ever got above like $120 a barrel on Brent despite this scenario, the closure of the Strait of Hormuz, the thing that oil analysts had talked about as a tail risk event for years and years and years actually happening.
Joe Weisenthal: 是的,这确实是一个非常了不起的现象。我们经历过两个价格高峰:一次是在三月底,另一次是在四月底。在这两天里,布伦特原油的收盘价都非常接近 120 美元,仅仅差了那么一点点。但无论如何,情况绝对没有像许多人之前预料的那种“世界末日”情景那样发展。至少到目前为止是这样。我们看到海峡的通航正在逐步恢复,各种谈判也似乎在以某种方式进行着。但很显然,那些认为海峡即便关闭几周,更不用说关闭两三个月就会导致全球经济彻底崩溃的末日预言并没有成为现实。我现在看到很多社交媒体 Twitter/X 上的网友都在嘲笑那些天天算原油桶数的分析师们。
Original English
Joe Weisenthal: No, it is it is really remarkable. We had two peaks. There was one right at the end of March and then one right at the end of April basically and the closing price right around just a little bit shy of 120 both of those days. But no, absolutely not like some of the doomsday scenarios at least for now, you know, their crossings are picking up. I guess negotiations are ongoing of some sort. But no, they clearly the doomsday scenarios about how this couldn't even stay closed for a few weeks let alone two or three months did not pan out. I see a lot of people on Twitter/X making fun of the barrel counters right now.
Tracy Alloway: 确实是这样。不过,我个人对这些“数桶工”(barrel counters)还是持有很大同情态度的,因为我本人也喜欢让分析和研究建立在事实与具体数据之上。但在这一次的价格走势与之前的种种预测之间,确实存在着极其巨大的脱节。
Original English
Tracy Alloway: Yes. Which I I have a lot of sympathy for barrel counters because I like I like my analysis to be grounded in facts and numbers. But there is clearly a disconnect here between what happened with the price and some of those predictions.
Joe Weisenthal: 也许我们能在这次事件中学到些什么。在过去的几个月里,关于原油市场的运行规律,我们可能都有了全新的认识。我们收到了许多听众的请求,希望我们能做一期节目来好好复盘一下。因此,今天我们邀请到了一位在战争爆发初期就与我们交流过的嘉宾。我们经常与他探讨,并且非常尊重他的原油市场分析。即便这次的危机没有像他以及其他绝大多数分析师预期的那样发展。今天我们非常高兴能再次邀请到大宗商品上下文(Commodity Context)通讯的创始人 Rory Johnston。欢迎回到我们的节目。
Original English
Joe Weisenthal: Well, maybe we learned something. Maybe we learned something about the oil market in the last few months. We've gotten a lot of requests for this episode and so we are going to talk to someone that we talked to right at the very beginning of the war. Someone we've talked to a lot. Someone whose oil analysis we greatly respect even if this particular incident did not perhaps pan out the way he and other many others, almost all the others expected. We're going to be speaking with Rory Johnston. He's the founder of the commodity context newsletter, and maybe he learned something about the oil market in the last few months. So, Rory, thank you so much by fan request and our request because we want to learn something, too. By fan request, welcome back to the podcast.
Rory Johnston: 谢谢你们邀请我,很高兴能再次和你们交流。
Original English
Rory Johnston: Thanks for having me, guys.
霍尔木兹海峡关闭的数学模型
Joe Weisenthal: 让我们先回到今年三月初。你能帮听众朋友们回忆一下,在三月的头几个星期里,你当时的看法以及市场上的普遍共识是什么吗?关于这场危机会持续多久,以及为什么大家一直将霍尔木兹海峡视作全球原油供应链中无可替代的“咽喉要道”?
Original English
Joe Weisenthal: Let's just start with like what was let's before let's start with like okay, early March. Remind listeners what this sort of your take and the sort of general wisdom was, you know, first couple of weeks of March about how long this could persist and why this Remind people why the Strait of Hormuz was seen as sort of the choke point among choke points when it comes to oil.
Rory Johnston: 好的,让我们把时间拨回到我们上一次对话的时候。当时我们认为这毫无疑问是极其严重的危机,而且至今它仍然是原油市场历史上最大规模的供应中断。尽管我们避开了最坏的毁灭性结局,但实际发生的断供规模依然是空前的。为了让 Tracy 和听众们能更清晰地理解,我们来看一组具体的数据:在战争爆发前,通过霍尔木兹海峡的石油流量大约是每天 2000万桶。当然,我们知道并不会彻底失去这全部的 2000 万桶,因为我们有一些替代的绕行方案。例如,沙特阿拉伯拥有东西向输油管道(East-West pipeline),阿联酋也拥有通往阿曼湾富查伊拉(Fujairah)港口的输油管道。但是在当时,我们并不完全确定这些备用管道能否满负荷运转,因为它们从未经历过如此极限的实战测试。庆幸的是,它们最终起到了作用。但即便扣除所有这些绕行管道的最大分流能力,全球市场在这次危机期间仍然被迫减产了大约每天 1300万桶的波斯湾原油(这还不包括伊朗自身的产量)。随着危机的逐步缓解,这些产能直到现在才开始重新爬坡。每天 1300 万桶是一个什么概念?这相当于全球原油总供应量的 13%以上。我们当时预测油价可能会飙升至每桶 150 美元甚至 200美元,逻辑非常简单:当面对如此庞大的供应缺口而没有任何多余的缓冲余地时,市场只能通过极其高昂的价格来消灭需求(demand destruction),从而强行实现供需平衡。如此深度的需求消灭是前所未见的,因此每桶 200 美元在当时看来是一个非常合理的、能够迫使消费者放弃消费的价格。但幸运的是,我们最终并没有走到非要以这种方式消灭需求的一步。接下来我们一定会详细探讨,整个原油供应链系统是如何展现出其强大弹性和适应能力的。而在这其中,起到最关键、最引人瞩目作用的,毫无疑问是中国。
Original English
Rory Johnston: Yeah, so let's transport ourselves back for our last conversation. We need to get the time travel machine music, right? They can add that. So, yeah, the reason that it was such a massive deal and still remains, I would say. I mean, while we have avoided the doomsday prophecies, it is still the by far the largest supply disruption in the market's history. And for the numbers, for the barrel counting, for Tracy, the total flow through Hormuz prior to the war was roughly 20 million barrels a day. Now, we knew we weren't going to lose all of that because we knew that we had some offsets. You know, the Saudi East-West pipeline, the Emirati pipeline to Fujairah on the Gulf of Oman. But overall, net netting for all of those known rerouting options, which again, at the time we didn't know if they would fully work cuz they'd never been fully tested. But they did work, thankfully. But even netting of those, we were still down roughly 13 million barrels a day of Gulf oil production excluding Iran that had been forcibly shut in through the duration of this crisis and is only now beginning to pick back up again. That's a lot of oil. That's 13 plus percent of the global supply. And the reason we thought that prices were going to hit 150 or even $200 a barrel was that when you have a supply shock that large without any more offsets, you end up at demand destructive pricing really, really fast. And to destroy that level, the depth of that demand, we had never seen that before, but $200 a barrel seemed like the reasonable price at which that would happen. Now, thankfully, we did not have to destroy that demand. And what we will talk about shortly, I'm sure, is all the ways in which the system adapted and and flexed. And I think we saw this most notably, above all, in China.
中国进口下降 500 万桶的谜团
Joe Weisenthal: 既然如此,那我们就直接切入核心话题吧。请给我们整体概述一下到底发生了什么,以及为什么我们最终没有看到每桶 200 美元的油价?
Original English
Joe Weisenthal: Yeah. Okay, well, why don't we just dive into it? Give us your overview on what happened and why we didn't actually hit $200 a barrel.
Rory Johnston: 简单来说,主要有两个最关键的因素。第一,从基本面和数据统计的角度来看,最核心的变量就是中国。我们一直知道中国拥有规模极其庞大的原油储备,但我们之前完全无法预测他们在面对这场突如其来的地缘政治危机时会做出怎样的反应。而我们在这场危机中所观察到的是,作为全球最大的原油进口国,中国的粗原油进口量在战争爆发前的三个月平均水平与六月份之间,出现了高达每天 500万桶的断崖式下跌。虽然六月份还没有过完,但目前的趋势非常明确。每天 500 万桶的减量是一个极其惊人的数字,这几乎相当于整个亚洲地区原油现货市场总供应缺口的一半以上。由于中国主动大幅减少了进口,其他同样高度依赖进口的亚洲国家在抢购剩余原油现货时,面临的竞争压力瞬间减轻了许多。在危机刚爆发的阶段,像韩国、澳大利亚、日本、台湾等国家和地区的政府都陷入了极度恐慌。当时甚至出现过澳大利亚总理每天都要亲自开新闻发布会,向国民宣布政府又成功采购到了一船柴油的情况,那种紧张的气氛像极了新冠疫情初期抢购医疗物资的场景。这些进口国家在三月和四月份的进口量确实出现了暴跌,但到了五月和六月,由于中国没有加入对其他货源的竞争,这些国家的原油进口量迅速恢复到了战前的正常水平。可以说,中国独自吸收了这次危机中很大一部分的供应冲击。
Original English
Rory Johnston: Yeah, so I'd say the two biggest things, one on the fundamentals, on the barrel counting side, was China. We always knew that China had huge stockpiles of oil, but we didn't know how they were going to react to this crisis. And what we've seen through this crisis is that Chinese oil imports, crude oil imports into China, the world's largest crude oil importer, fell by upwards of 5 million barrels a day between their you know, the three-month average prior to the war through to June. Now, we're not quite done this month, but that's roughly where we're trending for June so far. That 5 million barrels a day was upwards of half of the total spot market supply hit to Asia. And that allowed a lot of those other Asian importers to basically not have the competition that they would have had for the barrels they were importing. So, the countries that were hit hardest by this crisis and the governments that were most panicked, governments in South Korea, Australia, Japan, Taiwan, etc., there was a period where like the Prime Minister of Australia was coming out daily and announcing the Australian government's successful acquisition of a cargo of diesel. Like, it felt very COVID-y. Now, those importers saw imports collapse through March and April, but through May and into June, they actually recovered basically to pre-war levels. And the largest facilitator of that was the fact that China was not competing for any of the other barrels, and it then absorbed so much of the shock itself.
Tracy Alloway: 听到这里我立刻产生了很多疑问。你认为中国进口量出现如此巨大的降幅,究竟是因为国内发生了真实的需求消灭或能源替代,还是因为他们在大规模释放之前积累的战略储备?
Original English
Tracy Alloway: Just on China specifically, I have so many questions already, but do you have any sense of how much of this was genuine demand destruction or substitution in China versus just releasing from stockpiles?
Rory Johnston: 这是一个非常好的问题。坦率地说,因为中国官方并不公布具体的战略石油储备(SPR)数据,也不公布官方的实际石油消费需求数据,所以整个行业没有任何人能够百分之百确定这其中的精确构成。我们就像是在黑暗中摸索。但我们可以通过其他间接的数据来进行合乎逻辑的推流。首先,我们知道中国国内的整体原油及相关产品的流入量每天减少了 500 万到 600 万桶。如果这完全是由于国内“真实的需求消灭”导致的,那么中国国内的交通出行和工业生产应该会出现大范围的停摆。但实际上,所有的出行指数和高频移动数据都显示,中国这期间的社会活动并没有出现任何明显的下滑。如果说在没有采取类似 2022 年那种严格疫情防控的情况下,仅仅因为油价上涨就导致了堪比当年疫情时期的需求跌幅,这在逻辑上是完全说不通的。更何况,中国政府在此期间通过其价格管控机制,极大地平抑了国内零售市场的价格波动。危机期间,北京的汽油零售价格仅上涨了大约 30%,而相比之下,全球范围内的原油价格几乎翻了一番。因此,国内消费者并没有感受到足以消灭每天数百万桶需求的暴涨压力。这就让我们只能将目光转向“库存释放”或者“原料替代”上。从我们能够通过卫星观测到的商业库存——比如浮顶储油罐(floating roof storage tanks)的储量来看,它们的库存水平依然保持在极高位,与危机爆发前基本持平。这表明中国并没有大规模动用这些看得见的商业地表库存。但中国在地下还建设有至少六个大型地下储油洞库,这部分战略储备的容量我们估计在 1.31亿桶左右。由于进口量的下滑速度远远超过了国内炼油厂开工率的下降速度,这中间的巨大缺口必然是由某种未公开的库存释放填补的。奥卡姆剃刀定律告诉我们,最合理解释就是中国在暗中释放了这些我们无法通过卫星直接监测到的深层战略储备。此外,中国的炼油厂在此期间也将日均原油加工量下调了 300万至350万桶,这同样缓解了原油进口的压力。那么,这减少的 350 万桶加工量对应的国内成品油需求又是怎么被满足的?这里同样存在两种可能:一是中国正在以极快的速度消耗其庞大的成品油商业库存(如汽油、柴油和航空煤油,由于这些储罐不是浮顶设计,卫星同样无法直接测算其高度);二是正如我的同事 Javier Blas 在危机初期就敏锐指出的那样,中国的化工行业在利润受挤压时,迅速将石化原料从石油衍生品(如石脑油和液化石油气)切换成了更为廉价的天然气甚至是煤基化工原料。这种原料替代在边际上起到了不小的分流作用。至于有人提到的电动汽车(EV)普及是否立了大功,我认为虽然中国的新能源汽车占到了新车销量的 60%左右,但决定燃料整体消耗的是整个存量车队(fleet composition)的结构。目前中国路上行驶的车辆中,燃油车与电动汽车的比例依然在 10 比 1 左右。要在短短几个月内指望电动车替代掉每天数百万桶的燃油需求,除非北京在一夜之间凭空变出了一支庞大的电动车队把所有燃油车都替换掉,而这显然是不符合实际的。
Original English
Rory Johnston: It's a good question, and the firm answers we do not have 100% certainty as to what the exact composition of that swing was. We know the oil going in fell by 5 to 6 million barrels a day, given products as well. But in terms of the actual demand destruction, the thing that we have seen across China is that all of the mobility indicators and you guys are actually in China very recently. All the mobility indicators showed no notable decline. The The level of implied demand destruction that we see, and importantly here, China does not publish official demand data. It also doesn't, very importantly, publish official inventory data. So we're left kind of feeling around the shadows. The implied demand destruction we saw through this crisis was on par with the steepest demand destruction implied in history, and on par on the volume with the COVID zero demand shock in 2022. But you guys were in China. I've I have not seen any reporting that indicates that level of lockdown. So we start asking questions, okay, what's going on in the middle? Also, when you look at typically, you'd assume that that level of demand destruction without COVID zero lockdowns would have had to be driven by massive price increases. But part of what also happened in this crisis is that China had basically throttled the ability of domestic retail prices through their normal regulatory procedures. Prices of petrol in in Beijing only rose maybe 30% versus the doubling we saw globally. So again, it just doesn't track for me that all of that or even most of that was demand destruction. So then we go to this this point about substitution or outright releases of strategic petroleum reserves. Now, the one thing we can say is that the inventories we can see, these are the floating roof storage tanks for crude oil, those are still very very high and roughly where they stood at the beginning of this crisis. So, as far as we can tell, they're not drawing down aggressively on those stocks, at least not yet. The caveat there is that we can't see through those satellite analyses, we we can't see underground storage tank underground storage caverns and their proper SPR. They have six storage caverns at least that we know of about 131 million barrels. The likelihood is that they have been drawing down those because the fallen crude oil imports fell far faster than the decline in refining run rates. So, again, had to be made up somewhere. So, we're just kind of feeling around the shadows for the Occam's razor here is that they have been releasing silently additional crude inventories. But, above and beyond that, we know that crude crude refining run rates also fell dramatically, by 3 to 3 and 1/2 million barrels a day. So, where's the implied demand destruction? Now, this is where we either get one of two things. We either get a very large release of refined product stocks. Now, we know that China has large stocks of refined products like gasoline, diesel, jet fuel, etc. We have virtually no firm information on those stock levels or can track them very closely day-to-day or week-to-week because unlike crude, they don't have fluid they don't have floating roofs. So, we have to kind of again infer. Those stockpiles upwards of a billion barrels, but the implication is that they're drawing them down very very very rapidly. The other thing we could have seen is and and your your colleague Javier Blas was on this very early, was on the potential to switch some of the petrochemical feedstocks from oil-derived products like naphtha and LPG towards more gas-based products, natural gas or even on the extreme coal-based chemical products. That could again have a switch on the margin. And then the other thing that you'll hear is that like, well, China has massive penetration of electric vehicles. So, maybe that was making part of it as well. The challenge is is that it's not the sales penetration, the sales composition that drives fuel demand, it's the fleet composition. And while new energy vehicles in China are like 60% of new vehicle sales, the overall stock of vehicles in China is still 10 to 1 internal combustion engines to EVs. So, the implication would have to be that Beijing had this massive fleet of EVs that were like waiting to roll off the line, and that just doesn't seem plausible on the timeline we're talking about.
地缘政治的“利他主义”与特朗普的影子
Joe Weisenthal: 这个数据对比确实非常关键。虽然大家一直在讨论中国经济因为电动车销售的爆发而正在逐步降低对石油的依赖,但要让这种结构性的转变大到能够直接左右当前的宏观市场,显然还需要相当长的一段时间。
Original English
Joe Weisenthal: That is a very important stat to keep in mind, and I'm I didn't know the exact numbers, but I do think that's important because we all Yeah, we talk about the declining like oil and intensitivity of the Chinese economy due to growing EV sales. You know, it's going to take a while before it really swings in enough to make a difference. I think, you know,
Tracy Alloway: 难道中国政府有一个秘密的电动车储备库?或者他们悄悄把所有人的燃油车都收走换成电车了?(笑)
Original English
Tracy Alloway: think they have a secret stockpile of EVs? They have a strategic pork reserve. They just swap out everyone's cars? Like everyone gets a free EV for a few months?
Joe Weisenthal: 哈哈,这就好比每个人都分到了一辆百度 Apollo 自动驾驶出租车。不过说真的,我在中国旅行时注意到一个细节,不管是自动驾驶的出租车,还是普通的私家车在开启辅助驾驶模式时,车身外面都会亮起一盏蓝色指示灯。所以你在路上能够非常清晰地分辨出哪辆车目前是由系统自动驾驶的,哪辆车是由人类驾驶的,这个设计非常棒。不过,回到我们刚才关于中国主动减少进口的话题,这里面其实延伸出两个很有意思的假说:第一,中国是否在扮演一个“利他主义”的邻国角色?他们深知新加坡、台湾、韩国和日本这些邻国的能源供给在危机中处于极度脆弱的状态,因此凭借自身庞大的缓冲库存,主动退出原油市场的采购竞标,从而为邻国腾出宝贵的生存空间。这种做法在外交上可以极好地展现中国的软实力,借机向亚洲邻国宣告:“在关键时刻,华盛顿根本无暇顾及你们,反而给你们留下了巨大的能源危机烂摊子,最终是我们在默默地支持着你们。”第二,如果中国打算将自身的出口市场逐步向亚洲和欧洲倾斜,那么确保这些地区不会因为能源危机而发生经济崩溃就完全符合中国的核心利益。但这个假说最大的破绽在于,如果中国真的是出于如此崇高的地缘政治考量,他们理应大宣特宣才对,而直到目前,北京和相关的监管机构在此事上一直保持着令人困惑的沉默。
Original English
Joe Weisenthal: You know what's really cool about the Chinese EVs? Or sorry, the Chinese automatic driving vehicles? All cars, whether they're the official like robo-taxis or when you're in a car that you push on self-driving mode, they have this blue light that shows up. So, it's not like the typical red light. And so, you can see every single car on the road in China that is currently operating in an autonomous manner and know if there's a human see. Yeah, it's pretty nice. You know, you mentioned Tracy at the beginning of the episode barrel counting. I think one of the reasons I we like talking to Rory is that I do consider you to be a humble barrel counter because it's so easy in oil conversation to get tempted by grand threads about geopolitics, right? Because it's sort of intertwined. So, I really do appreciate the humble barrel counter. But, when we talk about this sort of like China's willingness to either draw down stocks, etc. There's two sort of related questions that I have. It's like one is could China just be like have done its neighbors a solid in the sense that it's like, you know what? We really do have quite a big buffer. And we know that Singapore and Taiwan and Korea really going to be Japan are going to really be under strain. So, from like a sort of soft power goodwill thing, like we don't really need to be adding. And B, given that we know and B, given the EV penetration, even if it's small now, it's going to grow. Is the consensus in oil world that the massive stockpiles in China, do they exist in the event of like preparation for a theoretical war, which would be a very oil-intensive process?
Rory Johnston: 我们可以倒推着来分析这两个问题。首先,关于战略储备的初衷。在 2023 年,我写过一篇名为《中国石油需求之谜》的文章,探讨为什么在 2023 年中国经济从新冠疫情中复苏得相当疲软的背景下,其表观石油需求却出现了如此惊人的增长。当时我猜测他们正在大规模建立成品油储备,而外界因为缺乏透明度无法直接观测到。那时,市场上的普遍担忧是北京在为台海潜在的冲突或战争做物资储备,因为那将是一个极其消耗石油的过程。随着地缘紧张局势的升温,这种战备逻辑是非常说得通的。而现在,这笔庞大的储备在霍尔木兹海峡关闭的危机中发挥了至关重要的平抑作用。至于第二个关于“好邻居”的利他假说,我确实也在考虑这个可能性。但我还要提出另一个更加务实、甚至带有一点地缘阴谋论色彩的假说——我们不妨戴上“锡纸帽”来思考一下:为什么中国默默地做了这件事却只字不提?这是否可能与前不久特朗普代表团访问北京有关?虽然当时的官方新闻报道显示那次会面非常平淡,没有达成任何实质性的成果,但我们不能排除双方在闭门会议中达成某种默契的可能性。比如特朗普政府对北京说:“帮我们在这个烂摊子上控一下油价,我们未来会在其他方面给你们相应的回报。”当时还有另一个正在发生的地缘背景:由于伊朗对以色列的袭击,中东地区有大量的美制先进雷达、防空和反舰导弹系统在冲突中被摧毁。为了补充损耗,华盛顿不得不紧急将部署在东亚的大量军事装备调配回中东。在这种情况下,特朗普政府的战略重点是尽快从中东脱身并减少在亚洲的直接军事摩擦。因此,如果中国能通过释放原油储备稳定全球能源市场,作为交换,美军在亚太地区的战略收缩将为中国提供巨大的地缘空间。当然,这些目前都仅仅是推测,中国此举背后的真正动机在很大程度上依然是一个未解之谜。由于我们无法确切得知中国是如何以及为什么能在如此短的时间内完成每天 500 万桶的原油进口削减,这使得我们极难预测他们会在何时、以何种规模重新回到国际市场上进行采购。这也是为什么今天当霍尔木兹海峡的通航逐步恢复,大批滞留的邮轮开始流向全球市场时,由于中国这一最大的买家依然在冷眼旁观,布伦特原油市场在今天再次直接陷入了**现货贴水翻转(Contango,即远期溢价)**的疲软格局。
Original English
Rory Johnston: Yeah, so let's work in reverse there. And I think so, back in 2023, I wrote a piece called Chinese oil demand doubts, which was about how in 2023 with this massive growth in Chinese apparent demand. Again, remember, China doesn't official doesn't publish official demand stats. It was so big and China was still pretty weak coming out of COVID zero at that point. It didn't seem plausible and I kind of speculated that maybe they were building refined product stocks, which we can't see because of the way we calculate this stuff. And at the time, the worry was that it was in anticipation of a war or an invasion of Taiwan. At that stage, you had an increased bellicosity of Beijing, a lot of saber-rattling, buzzing airspace, naval drills, etc. So, I think that was definitely part of it. That was the thought at the time. Now, what we've seen is that obviously came in very, very handy. Now, for much the same reason, although not getting blockaded through Malacca, but just the lack of Hormuz itself, which again was always part of China's kind of strategic or perception of strategic precarity of its of its stockpiles. And but I think to this point of like like why? This is the question that like continues I continue to obsess about because it also kind of tells you like when they're going to reenter the market because as we will talk right now, not only are crude oil prices collapsing, but we've actually seen prompt Brent time spreads, the difference between the first and the second contract, actually flip into outright contango today. So I think it's a particularly auspicious day. We're swimming in oil at least relative to demand. And I think part of that is that China just still hasn't stepped back in as a competitive importer. So to your point, Joe, this idea that like maybe Beijing was playing the altruistic neighbor, which I think is I think one of the theories I'm holding as well, which is not only do they want to kind of be seen as the good neighbor, not only do they want to be seen as kind of standing up and defending its neighbors when very clearly in their in their telling Washington has abandoned you and kind of stuck you with this massive energy crisis. The challenge I think with that I want to I think also if China is trying to pivot away from the US market, its only other market options are Asia or Europe really in terms of like a sizable sources of demand. So it's not its interest to see those economies kind of collapse while North America remains relatively insulated given domestic supplies. I think the only challenge with this theory is that if that was true, I would have expected China to say something about it. And the fact is is that so far we have seen we've heard virtually nothing from Beijing or any of the regulatory authorities that this is happening, why it's happening, or the scale of what we're talking about. The other I think more nefarious option and and you were just talking about how I'm a humble barrel counter and I don't like to go grand strategy, but I think there is like the put my tin foil hat on for a second. Why would China do this and not talk about it? The other option I still think this is less likely because it seems very nefarious, but we had the Trump administration visiting Beijing a couple months ago. At the time it seemed like nothing much came out of those meetings. It seemed pretty lukewarm at best. But I think there's a chance that you saw some kind of discussion between the Trump administration and Beijing over like help us out with this and we will do something for you in the future. Now, what could that be? One of the things that was happening at the time was with all of the military equipment destroyed in the Middle East from the Iranian attacks, lots of advanced radar systems, anti-anti-ship, anti-aircraft missiles, etc., etc. Washington began migrating all of its kit that had been in Asia back over to the Middle East. So, maybe this is part of this broader kind of Dunro doctrine that Trump sees himself as pulling out of Asia and maybe someone somewhere made that point and said like if you help us, we'll keep this going. That said, I again, I don't think any of this perfectly fits and I think the easy answer is that it remains a mystery as to why China is doing this. The only problem is is that given that we still don't understand why China did this or even to that degree how exactly they managed to pull it off, it makes it difficult to handicap when they're going to enter back into the market because obviously a 5 million barrel a day swing is massive in this context and right now, I think part of the reason that that crude prices and time spreads are back into contango today is that we have this rising surge of exiting transits out of Hormuz that are running up against a still relatively weak import market driven first and foremost by China.
全球库存消耗与极限测试
Tracy Alloway: 在这次危机中,除了中国之外,美国以及其他主要消费国也都在大规模地消耗其战略石油储备。实际上,美国的储备量在危机期间已经非常接近其“最低运行红线”了。高盛前大宗商品主管 Jeff Currie 曾在我们节目中留下过一句名言:“在面临危机时,起作用的不是供给对价格的响应,而是库存对价格的响应;但库存与生产不同,库存是有物理底线的。”如果霍尔木兹海峡在此前没有及时恢复通航,一旦这些战略储备消耗殆尽,我们是否会看到油价出现暴烈性地上涨?
Original English
Tracy Alloway: So, China isn't the only one that's been releasing from stockpiles. So, the US also has a strategic petroleum reserve and I think we were getting pretty close to the operational minimum on that thing. And Jeff Currie, who's been on the podcast a number of times, he had a really good line basically saying this is not supply responding to price, it's inventory responding to price and inventory, unlike production, has a floor. So, devil's advocate question, but like if this kept going, if the Hormuz shuts again, or if it hadn't been opened in recent days, and I guess I should mention we're recording this on June 24th, could that inventory response have gone away and could we see prices shoot up?
Rory Johnston: 毫无疑问,绝对会这样。在这次危机爆发前,全球原油市场实际上已经维持了一年多的超额供给状态,这让我们积累了相当丰厚的商业和国家战略库存。也就是说,当冲突爆发时,全球原油供应链是处于历史上缓冲准备最充足的巅峰状态。即便如此,我当时依然认为这些库存不足以抵消霍尔木兹海峡彻底关闭的冲击,后来的事实证明我低估了这笔库存的厚度。但我们付出的代价也是极其高昂的:在海峡关闭期间,波斯湾被强行切断的石油总量累计已经达到了惊人的 13亿桶。相比之下,国际能源署(IEA)哪怕开启历史上最大规模的战略石油储备紧急释放,其极限总量也不过是 4亿桶左右。而中国在同一时期通过减少进口,累计为全球市场省出了 4亿至5亿桶的原油现货。这意味着中国在这次危机中为稳定市场所做出的“库存贡献”,已经超过了所有 IEA 成员国协同释放战略储备的总和。在我的分析模型中,我更倾向于将战略石油储备(SPR)视作一种“政策性调节的供需手段”,而非普通的库存。因为在日常交易中,决定原油边际定价的往往是那些流动性极强的商业贸易库存。而一旦政府决定释放 SPR,它在物理层面上就等同于在市场上凭空增加了一股“并非来自开采的全新供应流”。在危机期间,霍尔木兹海峡内部其实也形成了一个特殊的“漂浮库存”:当时有超过 1亿桶的原油被困在海峡内部的巨型油轮上无法运出。而最近几天随着海峡的逐步开放,这批积压的“漂浮库存”正在以极快的速度流向海峡之外,在短期内给国际市场注入了大量的现货。但由于海峡内的油轮装载速度跟不上流出速度,这种超常规的供应增量是不可持续的。然而在当下,这股集中释放的“漂浮储备”恰好撞上了中国依然低迷的进口需求,从而在边际上彻底压垮了油价。
Original English
Rory Johnston: Absolutely. You know, when we started this crisis, we had been in a surplus in the oil market for upwards of a year. We had built substantial stockpiles, both commercial and strategic. Obviously, in the case of China, strategic. We were as buffered as humanly possible to weather this shock. I still didn't think it was enough at the time, and that proved out to be thankfully incorrect. But, now we have drawn down massive volumes of oil. To put in perspective, the that 13 million barrels a day of Middle Eastern production has been shut in. The cumulative volume of that to date is roughly 1.3 billion barrels. Like, we're talking massive, massive gobs of oil. The collective IEA SPR release at its upper end is pegged at about 400 million barrels. The cumulative reduction in Chinese imports over this period, again, relative to 3 months prior to the war, is between 4 and 500 million. So, at least on that basis alone, China swung as much and likely more than the collective IEA member states. And what I will say about SPRs, in my modeling, in my mental model, I think about SPRs not as inventory per se, but as [snorts] as discretionary supply and demand. That when you think about the effect of inventories on prices, and I think they are the primary thing that drives prices and perceptions of scarcity. It's mainly the commercial kind of merchant inventories that catch the residual, the remaining surplus or deficit after all said and done that drives that kind of marginal pricing influence. But an SPR release as an example manifests in the market as new supply, not new production, but new supply that wasn't available before. And we're actually seeing another stock or strategic stock release of that kind in a way right now in Hormuz itself. We've had for this whole period we've had well over 100 million barrels of oil trapped in Hormuz. These are the ships that have been trapped and able unable to escape. Those are the ships that we're seeing rise very quickly in terms of their exit pace out of Hormuz again. But because that is the stockpile, the floating oil available in Hormuz is drawing down faster than it is being replenished with new loadings, the pace that we're seeing come out of Hormuz right now also is inherently unsustainable in itself represent some kind of stockpile release from a stockpile that was not accessible to the market in the Gulf to now a stockpile that is accessible to the market in the broader market in the broader world. But that's right now what's running up against the lack of Chinese import demand.
Joe Weisenthal: 我有一个细节问题。今年年初时布伦特原油大概在每桶 60 美元左右,而在战争爆发的前夕,价格已经一路上涨到了 70 美元。当时整个市场其实全年在讨论中东爆发冲突的风险。你认为这 10 美元的涨幅中,有多少是已经提前计入的“地缘政治风险溢价”?
Original English
Joe Weisenthal: First of all, I have a very short question. At the start of the year Brent was around 60 and on the eve of the war it was 70. Just real quickly, would you say a a non-trivial amount of that $10 barrel increase was I mean, people were talking about the risk of war all year. Would you say at least some of that was driven by war premium already rising before the initial strikes?
Rory Johnston: 毫无疑问,其中很大一部分确实是防范未然的避险资金推高了价格。但我们同时也要记住,在战争爆发前的最后一个星期,布伦特原油在临近交割时其实已经开始显现出进入现货折价(Contango)的迹象。这说明在物理现货层面上,当时的供应实际上是非常过剩的,这也从侧面印证了战前市场本身基本面的疲软。
Original English
Rory Johnston: Yes. and I think part of that too, again, remember that the oil market was exceptionally weak prior to this. Now flat price is rising because as you noted, I think there was this kind of precautionary kind of geopolitical premium being built in. But on the eve of the war, the last week before the war, we saw prompt Brent also dipping into contango. That was your sign that we had too much supply.
Joe Weisenthal: 确实是这样。
Original English
Joe Weisenthal: Yeah. I think that that was exactly what happened.
Rory Johnston: 所以目前的状况是,即使经历了如此剧烈的地缘动荡,原油价格在今天也仅仅徘徊在每桶 74 美元左右,与战前夕的 70 美元相差无几。这表明在庞大的供应保障和疲软的全球需求面前,市场上行空间被死死地压制住了,甚至不排除未来价格会进一步下探的可能。
Original English
Rory Johnston: So, right now oil is it like again below 74 and like 70 on the eve of the war. No not necessarily a reason to think that that's a floor given what we know about the world swimming in oil. So, maybe it could even go lower.
“每个人都在看多,但没人敢出手”
Joe Weisenthal: 既然我们今天的主题是“自我反思与复盘”,那我们不妨来玩一个“双重反事实”的思想实验。假设在 2026 年 3 月初,如果我是一个足够敏锐的访谈主持人,我当时直接向你提出这样一个挑战:“Rory,中国经济目前已经拥有了庞大的电动车存量,而且他们进口的原油数量远远超出了其日常运行所需的规模。难道中国就不能通过直接粗暴地削减数百万桶进口量的方式,来彻底化解这场由于海峡关闭带来的原油危机吗?”如果我当时这样问你,身处 3 月 10 日那个环境下的 Rory,会做出怎样的回答?
Original English
Joe Weisenthal: All right, I'm going to try and do something that's like a very like we're all doing like self-criticism here theme of the day. So, we're going to do like a sort of double counterfactual question. So, if I had been a smarter interviewer in March of 2026 which feels like a long time ago. You know, I mean I think I probably asked you, you know, it's like okay it's like well, what about that pipeline that Saudi Arabia has gone on? And I might have said, well, what about the role of SPRs? Or maybe even I might have asked something like what about lowering sanctions on Russian oil etc. I did not ask Rory, China is importing so much more oil than it needs to operate its economy day-to-day. So, if I had asked you and so this is going to force you to put yourself in early March mind. So, let's imagine it's early March and I say, Rory, but can't China just massively reduce its imports? They don't use that much oil. It's a bunch of EVs. What would Rory in March 10th or whatever 2026, how would you have thought then if I had proposed that as a possible way out of this crisis?
Rory Johnston: 这个思想实验非常有意思。如果当时你这么问我,我首先会承认全球主要消费国必定会协同释放战略储备,而且中国也大概率会停止其日常的商业囤积,甚至释放一部分库存。但我绝对会认为“中国直接减少每天 500 万桶进口”是一个完全不切实际的无稽之谈。因为从物理规模的量级来看,这个数字实在是太庞大了,这已经超出了当时我们对任何单一国家需求弹性的认知上限。即便今天我们已经看到了结果,这个削减规模依然让我感到不可思议。在这场危机中,我个人也存在一个深刻的思想局限:我当时过多地聚焦于“库存的物理极限”。我们知道在危机爆发前市场是严重供大于求的,这导致去库的过程需要很长时间。我当时的逻辑是,哪怕市场在战前有着每天 300 万桶的超额供给,面对每天 1300 万桶的波斯湾断供,全球依然存在着每天 1000 万桶的净缺口。在这个规模的缺口下,全球商业库存会以极快的速度枯竭。而一旦库存触及“罐底”(tank bottoms),在没有任何物理原油可供消耗的情况下,价格就必须通过暴涨来消灭消费。但我当时忽视了两个极其关键的非物理性机制:第一,交易员的风险控制和资本约束。在危机爆发的三四月份,我与很多一线的原油和成品油交易员进行了交流。他们的数学模型普遍显示,在如此庞大的物理供应缺口下,做多原油是一个胜率极高的“送钱机会”。但由于市场当时的波动率已经彻底爆表,他们的风控部门(risk management)为了防止公司破产,强行将所有交易员的持仓头寸和风险限额(risk limits)收紧了 90%。这就导致了一个非常奇特的市场现象:“每个交易员都在高喊看多,但没有任何人敢真正出手买入开仓。”缺乏了金融资本的推波助澜,期现货价格自然无法完成向每桶 200 美元的终极跃升。第二,特朗普政府的“口头干预”(jawboning)和政治施压。特朗普政府通过高频的言论轰炸和潜在的政策威胁,向大宗商品市场注入了极其强大的下行压力和不确定性。这在心理层面上彻底压制了多头的投机气焰,阻断了正常的油价“熔断式暴涨”进程。如果仅仅依靠特朗普的口头干预,或者仅仅依靠中国的进口削减,都无法阻止油价的飙升。但当这两者在特定的时间和空间上产生奇妙的共振时,它们展现出了超出所有人预期的强大威力。这也让我深刻意识到,当下的全球原油市场在面临地缘政治的极端压力时,其展现出的系统韧性和调节机制要远远比我们这些坐在办公室里算桶数的分析师复杂的得多。
Original English
Rory Johnston: I like this game. Okay. So, I think that what I would have said at the time is we knew we were going to get I you know, I IEA member states to do strategic releases. We probably were also going to get some kind of or at least at the time the thought would have that we might have get some kind of Chinese release. Or at least they would have stopped stopped stockpiling. But I still at the time I would have found it very implausible that they reduced imports by 5 million barrels a day. I think it's in terms of the scale. I think that yes, there could have been a little bit of reduction there. But even in hindsight it's still very, very surprising the scale of reduction we saw. The other thing I think is that the other question that I, you know, if I was to go back and kind of challenge my own challenge myself, I'll I'll I'll do the meta meta here. I would say that okay, we had this big surplus beforehand. Everything looked very very bearish. This was thought to be a temporary shock at the time and is inherently temporary cuz we all thought it wasn't going to be sustainable. The challenge is is that when we think about fair value in the market, we think about the relationship between inventories and prices, part of what we've historically seen is that when inventories get really low and prices get really high, the outlook for future balances is also pretty precarious. But what we see in this crisis is that going in, we were oversupplied, the future was looking even more oversupplied. So when you saw inventories drawing down towards tank bottoms, yes, if we hit tank bottoms and we actually like hit that acute reckoning where you had to destroy demand cuz there's literally nothing left, then yeah, you would could have gotten this massive spike. But in terms of the market's wariness or concern about those lower levels, you could make an argument that well, it doesn't really matter if they go low because we know they're going to get swollen again next year as soon as this is open. And I think that that's one thing that I may have misappreciated at the time, even if I went into this if I went into this crisis bearish before flipping bullish during and you know, after Hormuz was closed, I still thought that Hormuz was such a larger kind of shock to the system that even going in with a 3 million barrel a day surplus, a 13 million barrel a day loss of production was still going to put you in an extraordinarily tight position. But again, I think that that's part of what I may have misconsidered. I think the one final thing I'll say and the one thing I haven't mentioned so far I think we should is the job open. Is the fact that when I talk to traders, the one thing I heard time and time and time again is that and these are like these are prop kind of oil and products traders. They have their own models that show them fair value. They keep saying like all their models say this is a raging buy, but they got so blown out repeatedly in that kind of March and April period. All their risk management kind of limits have been throttled down by 90%. That there was this general the quote was everyone's bullish but no one's buying. And I think one thing I also deeply misappreciated going into this crisis was the potential power of Trump himself, more broadly Trump administration, to inject so much downside volatility that it kind of arrested the normal melt-up process. And I think that if we had just had job owning, I don't think it would have been enough. If we just had China import contraction, I don't think it would have been enough to arrest that melt-up that we saw through March and April. But I think the combination of them proved to be especially potent that you had you kept resetting the clock and all the while markets kept loosening because of China's kind of pull back on imports. So I think the combination of them proved to be way more powerful than I have ever expected and I think going forward has really shown the degree to which the market the oil market is much more resilient, at least in this kind of condition, to a big shock like that in a way that I just hadn't appreciated at the time.
###Refill 的诱惑与未来的不确定性
Tracy Alloway: 我们看到现在有许多坚定的原油多头依然在市场上寻找机会。他们的一大核心论据是:“既然全球在这场危机中消耗了如此巨量的储备,那么在危机结束后,各国政府和商业巨头必然要重新采购原油来补库(refill)。这会在未来两三年内为全球原油市场注入一股极其强劲的结构性买盘。”你认同这种观点吗?
Original English
Tracy Alloway: Can I just ask on the inventories and strategic reserves? So one of the bullish arguments I've seen, and there are still some oil bulls out there, but they say well, stockpiles are low now, so people are going to have to fill them up, right? And you're going to get like maybe structural structurally higher demand for oil for the next couple years or so. Is that a theory that you buy into? People need to refill their oil tanks.
Rory Johnston: 答案是“既认同,也不认同”。我们需要把国家战略储备补库与普通的商业补库区别对待。首先,在国家战略层面,我们确实看到了强烈的补库意愿。美国政府需要补充其SPR,日本政府也是如此。更重要的是,像印度这样在危机爆发前并没有建立起完善战略储备系统的国家,现在痛定思痛,正在加速补齐这一短板。例如,阿联酋阿布扎比国家石油公司(Adnoc)刚刚与印度政府达成协议,计划在印度境内建设一个容量达 5000万桶的全新战略/商业共享原油库。这确实会在未来数年内为全球市场提供稳定的基础需求支撑。但关键的制约因素在于,只要当前的国际原油市场依然处于供需偏紧的状态,各国政府就不会在如此高价的水平上进行大规模的补库,因为这等同于人为地进一步收紧本已脆弱的市场,推高自身的采购成本。因此,只有当市场基本面重新走向宽松、价格回落时,这股潜在的补库需求才会真正转化为实际的买盘。而在商业库存方面,在经历了如此剧烈的去库存过程后,全球的商业库存水平均处于极低的防线。商业机构同样需要等待市场出现明显的超额供给(即现货折价 Contango 结构确立)时,才有足够的套利空间和动力去重新采购原油塞满自己的储罐。因此,补库确实是未来油价下方一个极其坚固的长期底部支撑,但它并不能直接转化为短期内推动油价再次暴涨的催化剂。
Original English
Rory Johnston: Yes and no. And I think again it goes to that split between how I think about strategic and commercial inventories differently or strategic stocks and commercial inventories differently. I think that yes, there will be an impetus to I say refill the SPR in the United States, refill the SPR in Japan, countries that didn't have SPRs going into this that all of a sudden wished they had them, like India. You've seen a lot of examples of countries building up. Adnoc, the Emirati national oil producer, has now made plans for a 50 million barrel strategic commercial strategic stock in India coming out of this. So, I think that will structurally undergird demand for the next year or two, or maybe even three. But, I don't think that that demand is going to manifest as long as the market is tight. So, you need to get back to a stage where the market is looser, otherwise you're just kind of retightening the market through SPR rebuilds. I think on the commercial stock, I think that is a situation where you kind of need a surplus in order to rebuild those stockpiles in the first first place. So, I do think that right now we are deeply underwater on most global kind of trackable commercial stockpiles. And I think we need a period of surplus in order to get us back up to normal levels. Little and but we probably don't need to get back to where we were, say, at the beginning of the crisis where we had abnormally high levels of inventories.
尾声与新的关注焦点
Joe Weisenthal: 这真的是一次极其精彩的对话。这也让我想起,我们接下来非常需要做一期关于尼日利亚拉各斯最近刚刚投产的、耗资高达 200 亿美元的丹格特炼油厂(Dangote Refinery)的专题节目。这不仅是一项伟大的工程奇迹,更是目前全球原油和成品油版图中最关键的边际变量之一。很多国家在目睹了霍尔木兹危机后,不仅在考虑建立原油SPR,也开始极度重视本土成品油精炼能力的建设。Rory,非常感谢你今天能来到我们的节目,并且毫无保留地与我们分享你的反思与 candor。
Original English
Joe Weisenthal: That was fantastic. By the way, this reminds me, you know what an episode I really want to do? And I know it's been requested actually by a listener. We should do an episode about the $20 Dangote Petroleum Refinery that opened recently in Lagos, Nigeria. So, this incredible engineering feat, one of the most important refineries in the world right now. Hasn't been open very long. Anyway, I was only reminded by that because of your point about maybe more countries are going to think about having SPRs in the first place. Rory Johnson, thank you so much for coming on. Really appreciate you, you know, willing to talk about a an incorrect call. Appreciate your candor and coming back on Odd Lots.
Rory Johnston: 再次感谢你们的邀请,很高兴能与你们探讨这些。
Original English
Rory Johnston: Thanks for having me, guys.
Tracy Alloway: 谢谢你,Rory。
Original English
Tracy Alloway: Thanks, Rory.
Joe Weisenthal: 谢谢,Rory。这真的很棒,我们都学到了很多。
Original English
Joe Weisenthal: Thanks, Rory. that was great. We all learned something.
Tracy Alloway: 是的,我们都学到了很多,尤其是关于中国在危机中的动态。
Original English
Tracy Alloway: Yeah, we all learned something. Me me most of all.
Joe Weisenthal: 的确,中国在进口方面的调整和特朗普政府对市场的心理干预之间的结合,是一个非常值得继续深挖的话题。今天的节目就到这里。我是 Joe Weisenthal,你们可以在 Twitter 上关注我 @TheStalwart。
Original English
Joe Weisenthal: Tracy, I think I thought there were a lot of interesting moving parts. I liked his point about the sort of intersection between the Chinese import reduction and the jaw boning, which at the time I didn't put a ton of weight on it because I was like the barrel math is the barrel math. But if it did, as he put it, like change the behavior of traders who might have that point about their risk limits, but that's interesting. That was really interesting. And also, if you remember back in March sort of April, there was a lot of discussion of the disconnect between the physical market, where like you couldn't get barrels versus the actual financial market, which like wasn't showing that big price increase. a lot of threads that I didn't totally understand, but there was it was a really weird time in the markets, and it was absolutely true that at least for several weeks there were all those headlines about like oh, in the Philippines you can only drive to work 2 days a week or whatever, and so it was like a real crisis. It was not the headline price crude barrel price never got to 200 or even 150, but it was like deep deep stress. Yeah. That's the thing, right? It's like the tension between people not being able to get oil and the prices actually not shooting up that much. But also, I think the big question that we're all left with is what's China thinking? Like why did they do it, right? We don't really know, and then just in terms of I guess the short to medium trader question, will and when will they re-enter the market in the same levels that they were pre-war is like a really interesting question for people to watch currently. I would love to see one of China's like oil caverns. Oh, that would be good. Well, Yeah, that would be good. Let's do it. Let's do a road trip. All right. Shall we leave it there? Let's leave it there. This has been another episode of the Odd Lots podcast. I'm Tracy Alloway. You can follow me at Tracy Alloway. And I'm Joe Weisenthal. You can follow me at The Stalwart.
Tracy Alloway: 我是 Tracy Alloway,你们可以关注我的账号 @TracyAlloway。同时欢迎关注我们的嘉宾 Rory Johnston 账号 @Rory_Johnston。
Original English
Tracy Alloway: Follow our guest Rory Johnston at Rory_Johnston.
Joe Weisenthal: 也请关注我们优秀的播客制作人们:Carmen Rodriguez (@CarmenArman)、Dash O'Bennett (@DashKill) 以及 Kevin Lozano (@KevinLloydLozano)。想获取更多 Odd Lots 内容,欢迎访问 bloomberg.com/oddlots 阅读我们的每日通讯并收听所有历史节目。另外,你也可以加入我们的 Discord 社区进行 24 小时无间断交流:discord.gg/oddlots。如果你喜欢我们的播客,请在各大平台为我们留下好评。彭博社订阅用户还可以通过 Apple Podcasts 的 Bloomberg 频道无广告收听所有节目。感谢收听,我们下期再见。
Original English
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