强市长权力:目标与成效
主持人: 政府表示,“强市长权力”在新住房建设中取得了成效。我们将审视记录,并探讨民主是否为此付出了代价。David Arbuckle 是安大略省市政经理、文员和财务主管协会的执行董事。Lindsay Jones 是安大略省市政协会的执行董事。Natasha Salonen 是威尔莫特镇的市长。很高兴两位来到演播室,也很高兴Natasha能在线参与。Lindsay,我先从您开始。请您解释一下,“强市长权力”旨在解决哪些问题?
Original English
Host: The government says strong Mayor Powers have been paying off in new housing. We look at what the record says and whether there have been trade-offs for democracy. David Arbuckle is the executive director of the Association of Municipal Managers, Clerks and Treasurers of Ontario. Lindsay Jones is the executive director of the Association of Municipalities of Ontario. Natasha Salonen is the mayor of the Township of Wilmot. Great to have both of you in studio and great to have Natasha on the line. Lindsay, I'm going to start with you. Help us understand what issues were strong mayor powers designed to solve.
Lindsay Jones: 嗯,“强市长权力”是市政当局在解决问题,特别是在应对省政府优先事项时,能够更快推进工作的一种方式。它是在省政府迅速推动住房目标时应运而生的。
Original English
Lindsay Jones: Well, strong mayor powers were a way for municipalities to be able to move forward more quickly on issues, particularly of provincial priority. It really came into being when the province was moving forward quickly with housing targets.
主持人: 好的。现在我们来谈谈这些住房项目和开发。既然住房是优先事项,我想目标是到2031年建成150万套住房。我们在实现这些数字方面做得如何?David。
Original English
Host: Okay. Now let's talk about those housing projects and development. Since housing was the priority, I think it was 1.5 million homes and starts by 2031. Where have we been effective in hitting those numbers? David.
David Arbuckle: 嗯,目前的数据显示,我们在全省范围内并未取得成效。如果谈及与“强市长权力”相关的问题,你知道,有一些例子表明市长们利用这些权力推动了一两个住房项目。然而,我们也看到一些市长做出的决定反而阻止了住房项目的进展。因此,我认为总的来说,作为一个协会,我们关注的问题是,这些被引入的权力并没有证据表明它们对实际的住房建设产生了任何影响。
Original English
David Arbuckle: Well, certainly the numbers that are bearing out is that we haven't been effective province-wide. If we're speaking to the issue related to strong mayor powers, you know, there are examples where mayors have used the powers in order to maybe move a project or two forward in relation to housing. However, we've also seen mayors who have made decisions that have stopped housing from moving forward. So I think overall, as an association, our issue has been that the powers that have been brought forward, there's no evidence to support that they're making any difference as it relates to the actual construction of housing.
主持人: 能给我举个例子吗?您说的“阻止”是什么意思?
Original English
Host: Give me an example. What do you mean by stopping?
David Arbuckle: 是的。嗯,最近在万锦市有一个很好的例子,关于市长斯卡皮蒂否决了议会一项关于四联式住宅的决定。举个例子,作为一项权利,市政当局是这些物业的所有者,能够在这些物业上建造四个单元而不是一个单元,这将增加密度,原因有很多。市长斯卡皮蒂指出,这会给住房带来压力,或者说会给基础设施、交通以及其他方面带来压力。市长委员会认为这不是一个好的倡议。因此,有很多这样的例子,我认为这并不是省政府在赋予市长权力以推动住房建设方面的全部意图。
Original English
David Arbuckle: Yeah. Well, there's a very good example recently from Markham in relation to Mayor Scarpitti, who vetoed a decision from council related to Fourplexes as an example. So as a right, municipalities are owners of those properties, being able to put four units instead of one unit on those properties, that would increase density for a number of reasons, which, you know, Mayor Scarpitti indicated in relation to the pressure that it puts on housing or on the infrastructure, on traffic, on other things as well. Mayor's committee decided that that was not a good initiative to move forward with. So there have been a number of examples like that that I don't think is entirely what the province had intended in relation to giving mayor powers in order to move housing forward.
主持人: Natasha,我们来谈谈这个。就住房目的而言,它是否足够有效?当我们谈论“强市长权力”时。
Original English
Host: Natasha, let's pick up on that. Has it been effective enough for the purposes of housing, when we talk about strong mayor powers?
Natasha Salonen: 我认为已经提出了一些很好的观点。有些情况下我们确实看到了效果,另一些则不然。但我也想提一下Lindsay最初提到的这些权力被提出的原因。当然,从公众角度来看,很多都与住房有关。但如果你真的阅读了立法,它为其他决策的加速提供了许多其他工具。就我个人而言,在使用这些权力时,我曾利用它们为我的议会提供更多信息,以帮助决策,包括我曾引入 KPMG 帮助我们制定预算,当时我们的财务状况出现了一些信誉问题,这确实让我的社区能够更好地了解我们的财务状况。所以,我想说,这些工具不仅仅是为了住房。当你阅读立法时,你会发现这一点。
Original English
Natasha Salonen: I think some great points have already been made. Some cases we have absolutely seen that, others not so much. But I would also point to Lindsay's kind of start off as to why these powers were brought forward. Of course, publicly, a lot of it had to do with housing. But if you actually read the legislation, it gives a lot of other tools for other decision-making to be sped up. And certainly in my case, in using them, I've used them to help bring more information forward for my councils for decision-making, including I brought in KPMG to help do our budget when we were going through some credibility issues with our finances, and it really gave my community the ability to better understand our finances. So again, I'd say the tool isn't only for housing when you read the legislation.
主持人: 我很好奇,除了您列举的这两个例子,您是否在其他方面使用过这些权力?
Original English
Host: I'm just curious, outside of those two examples that you have listed, have you used those powers at all outside of that?
Natasha Salonen: 我在获得这些权力后不久也使用了它们。我的市政当局当时正经历着严重的领导层不稳定。在我获得强市长权力时,我们已经有一位代理 CEO 将近一年了,这是由于我的议会在如何推进工作方面陷入僵局。我们是一个偶数人数的议会,所以当时是三比三。所以我确实利用这些权力聘请了一些支持人员和猎头公司来帮助我们启动这个进程,最终我的议会一致同意聘请我们现任的CEO。
Original English
Natasha Salonen: So I did also use the powers pretty soon after I got them. My municipality was going through a lot of leadership instability. We'd had an acting CEO for almost a year by the time that I got strong mayor powers, and it was due to a stalemate amongst my council as to how to proceed forward. And we are an even-numbered council. So it was three-three. So I did use them to hire some support and head-hunters to help us come in and get that process moving, which ultimately resulted in my council unanimously agreeing to bring on our current CEO.
权力使用中的权衡与民主影响
主持人: 好的,所以Natasha只是安大略省许多拥有这些权力的市长之一。Lindsay,最近《多伦多星报》的一项分析报告显示,200多位市长在使用这些权力方面存在巨大差异。为什么市长们可能不愿使用它们?
Original English
Host: All right, so Natasha is one example of many mayors in this province that have the powers. Lindsay, a recent Toronto Star analysis reported a huge variation in how frequently the 200-plus mayors are using powers. Why might a mayor be reluctant to use them?
Lindsay Jones: 嗯,特别是在这些权力刚推出的时候。我们从许多成员那里得知,他们并不热衷于使用这些权力,部分原因是他们在当选时,这些权力并不存在。因此,许多市长觉得这与选民赋予他们的授权不太一致。我认为在过去几年里,这种情况有所演变。市长们现在以相当战略性的、有针对性的方式使用这些权力。然而,许多市长也非常注意这与他们的议会以及工作人员之间产生的动态关系。
Original English
Lindsay Jones: Well, particularly when they were brought in. We heard from a lot of our members that they were not really keen to use them, and in part because when they were elected, these were not powers that were on the table. So a lot of mayors felt that it wouldn't necessarily be consistent with the mandate that they were given from the electorate. We've seen this evolve, I think, over the past few years. Mayors are using them pretty strategically in targeted ways. A lot of mayors, though, are very mindful of the dynamics that this creates with the rest of their council, as well as staff.
主持人: Natasha,您是否一直不愿使用这些权力?
Original English
Host: Natasha, have you been reluctant to use those powers?
Natasha Salonen: 我会说,我将它们视为我工具箱中的另一套工具。我当然不会急于使用它们,但每次我使用它们时,都是与工作人员同步进行的,因为我确实认识到,在某些情况下,它实际上会剥夺工作人员的自主权。所以,这就是我选择使用它们的方式,就像我说的,真正利用它们为我的议会带来更好的信息,以便做出最终决定。因为归根结底,全体议员都是为了支持我们的社区而当选的,不仅仅是我自己。所以,这就是我选择使用它们的方式,并且会继续下去。如果它是合适的工具,我就会使用。但它也不是我工具箱中唯一的工具。
Original English
Natasha Salonen: I would say I see them as another set of tools in my toolbox. I'm certainly not jumping to want to use them, but every time I have used them, have been in step with staff because I do recognize it actually, in some cases, removes autonomy from staff. So that's how I've chosen to apply them, as well as, like I said, really utilizing them to bring forward better information for my councils for decision-making, including I brought in KPMG to help do our budget when we were going through some credibility issues with our finances, and it really gave my community the ability to better understand our finances. So again, I'd say the tool isn't only for housing when you read the legislation.
主持人: David,您曾说过,“强市长”制度在市政工作人员中造成了“寒蝉效应”。请您解释一下这是什么意思?
Original English
Host: David, you were quoted as saying that the strong mayor system has created a chill right amongst municipal workers. Help me understand this.
David Arbuckle: 是的。我给您一些背景信息。我们是安大略省最大的市政工作人员志愿协会。首席信息官(CIO)、文员、财务主管构成了我们整体会员的主体。我们从一开始就强调,我们主要关注的是,这会带来一些挑战,并模糊政治与行政之间的界限。因为传统上,议会-城市经理模式中,议会制定政策决定,这些政策决定会下达到城市经理那里。城市经理就这些政策的实施做出决定。在大多数“强市长”的社区中,这种界限已经被模糊了。所以现在,市长们有机会提出市长决定,但也有市长指令,所以他们可能不一定要这样做。立法对于市长决定是相当明确的。您必须有一个网站,说明已经做出了哪些市长决定。市长指令在立法中没有明确定义。因此,在我们对46个获得“强市长权力”的市政当局进行的研究中发现,这些市长指令方面存在一些真正的挑战。我有一位我们的文员工作人员说,如果我必须记录我的市长向我们的工作人员发出了多少市长指令,那将是一份全职工作。所以这就是我们很早就提出的问题,不仅是从政治行政划分的角度来看,而且从运营角度来看,有时在谁负责该市政当局,我应该遵循谁的指示方面也存在困惑?我是在遵循议会的指示吗?我是在遵循市长的指示吗?我是在遵循市长的指示吗?我是在遵循议会的指示吗?它确实造成了一种混乱的局面。我提到的“寒蝉效应”指的是。有时工作人员可能不愿意提出一项决定。他们可能会,你知道,工作人员总是处于一个位置,提出基于证据、基于事实、基于政策的东西。但最终,如果他们无法提出他们认为在政治上可行的东西,他们可能会在那个领域感到有点“寒蝉效应”。如果市长有能力将该个人从该职位上撤职,那么他们就不太可能向议会和市长提出必然是好的政策决定。
Original English
David Arbuckle: Yeah. So just give you some context. So we are Ontario's largest volunteer association for municipal staff. CIOs, clerks, treasurers make up the main body of our overall membership. And we've been highlighting really from the start that our major concern is that it's going to create some challenges and some blurring of the lines as it relates to the the politics and the administration, because traditionally council, city manager, model, city manager, council makes policy decisions. Those policy decisions go down to the city manager. They make decisions or they make decisions in relation to implementation of those policies. That has been blurred in most strong mayor communities. So now you have mayors that have the opportunity to to bring mayoral decisions, but also mayoral directives, so they may not ultimately have to. The legislation is pretty clear as it relates to mayoral decisions. You have to have a website that indicates what mayoral decisions have been made. Mayoral directives are not as clearly defined within the legislation. So in the research that we've done with the 46 municipalities that have have received the strong mayor powers, is that there is some some real challenges in relation to those mayoral directives. I had one one of our clerk member staff said I would have a full time job if I had to dictate how many mayor directives my mayor has given to our staff in relation to the work that they've had to accomplish. So that's where that's where we've flagged really early on that not only from a political administrative divide perspective, but also the operational and the, the operational and the, the, sometimes the confusion in relation to who's in charge in that municipality, who's direction am I following? Am I following the cows? Am I following the mayors? Am I following councils? It really has created a bit of a muddy, muddy situation. And that chill I spoke to is in relation to. Sometimes staff may not want to bring a decision forward. They might, you know, staff are always in a position to bring forward stuff that is evidence-based, based on fact, based on policy. But ultimately they may there may be a bit of a chill in that space if they are not able to bring something that they think is going to be politically salable, politically salable. And if a mayor has an ability to remove that individual from that position, then they are less likely to bring forward necessarily good policy decisions to the to the to the council and to the mayor.
主持人: 是的,Lindsay。
Original English
Host: Yeah, Lindsay.
Lindsay Jones: 我刚才想说。当然,AMO 在平衡关于强市长权力的一些工作和立场时,不得不平衡许多不同的竞争观点,因为我们当然代表市长和议员,以及整个议会和市政政府。但作为协会,我们与会员划定的一条明确界限是,当市长能够影响和决定 CEO 级别以下的工作人员时,这会引发担忧。这确实与良好公共行政和良好公司治理的原则不符。我们确实看到工作人员在提出他们过去会提出的那种建议时会三思。
Original English
Lindsay Jones: I was going to say so. AMO, of course, has had to balance a lot of different competing perspectives in some of the work and the positions that we've taken around strong mayor powers because, of course, we represent both mayors and councilors, the councils and the municipal governments as a whole. But one definite clear line that we drew as an association with our membership was the concern that this issue creates when the mayor can impact and make decisions about staff below the CEO level, it really is not consistent with the principles of good public administration, good corporate governance. And we're definitely seeing staff thinking twice about bringing forward that kind of advice that they would have in the past.
主持人: 话虽如此,如果您要给一位市长建议,您会提出什么标准,比如何时使用您的权力?
Original English
Host: With that being said, if you were advising a mayor, what criteria would you suggest on, you know, when to, when to, when to use your powers?
Lindsay Jones: 嗯,我认为我们看到的最成功的用法是真正致力于使市政决策过程更加精简。例如,市长能够像市长Salonen那样,要求工作人员就他们知道议会已经有很多支持的领域提出建议或信息。这样可以为围绕住房或其他类似事情的一些非常重要的决策节省几个月的时间。我认为,在伦敦,我们在围绕某些住房项目的决策方面看到了成功的例子。因此,在有支持并且有工作人员提出建议的情况下,这是对这些权力的一种相当安全的使用。
Original English
Lindsay Jones: Well, I think the most successful uses that we've seen are really about trying to make that process of municipal decision-making a little bit more streamlined. So, for example, mayors who are able to ask staff like Mayor Salonen to bring forward recommendations or information on areas that they know that there's a lot of support on council already. You can shave a couple months off really important decisions around housing or things like that. We've seen, I think, successful examples in London when it comes to decision-making around certain housing programs. So where there is support and where there are these recommendations from staff, that is a pretty safe use of the powers.
主持人: 市长,我们来谈谈这个。我想您在这里的议会中并没有大权独揽。但是,当我们谈到市政当局员工之间的这种“寒蝉效应”时,您是否听到了这种声音?
Original English
Host: Mayor Allen, let's get you in on there. I imagine you are not, you know, wielding with a heavy hand here in council at all. But have you, when we talk about this chill amongst, you know, employees of the municipalities, are you are you hearing that?
Natasha Salonen: 当然,因为我也参与董事会,我们已经就此进行了很多非常棒的讨论。但我认为还需要认识到的是,安大略省有444个市政当局,每一个都有不同的内部动态以及议会和工作人员之间的关系。尽管从纸面上看,这确实偏离了政治学课程中传统治理的模式。然而,我认为这取决于这些关系的形成方式,它可能不会引起那些被预测到或者我们在某些社区中看到的问题。再说,从我市政当局的角度来看,我当然不能代表工作人员发言,但我个人感受到了一种动态变化,这与拥有权力之前以及我之前提到的领导层不稳定时期不同,我们确实能够在组织内部和通过预算流程来稳定它,因为这确实是我们第一次使用强市长权力来制定预算。它使我的议会能够更深入地参与预算的实际制定,这在一些市政当局在拥有强市长权力之前就已经发生了。但在我的社区,这种情况直到拥有强市长权力之后才发生。所以,我认为,我们再次需要承认,这将作为一种工具以不同的方式使用,而且工作人员和议会之间的所有这些关系在每个市政当局中都各不相同,并且随着每次选举而变化。显然,随着议会的更迭和工作人员的变化,有时可能只是不适合某些人,他们就会转到另一个社区,无论是政治方面还是工作人员方面都是如此。
Original English
Natasha Salonen: So certainly because I also sit around the board table, we've had some really great discussions across our membership about this. But I think the other thing to recognize is that there are 444 municipalities across Ontario, and every single one has a different internal dynamic and relationship between their council and their staff. And although on paper, yes, this is veering away from what traditional governance would be in a political science course. However, I think depending on how those relationships are formed, it might not cause the issues that are being predicted or that we're seeing in some communities. Again, in my perspective from my municipality, certainly I can't speak on behalf of staff, but I've personally felt a change in dynamic from before having the powers and that political or sorry, that leadership instability that I was talking about, we were really able to stabilize it within the organization and through our budget process, because again, this was our first budget with strong mayor powers. It enabled my council to be more involved in the budget actually being developed, which already happened in some municipalities before strong mayors. But that's never happened in my community until strong mayor powers. So I think, again, we need to acknowledge that this is going to be used as a tool differently and that all of these relationships between staff and councils vary in every municipality, as well as vary with each election. Obviously, as councils change and as staff change as well, sometimes maybe it's just not the right environment for certain people and they'll move on to another community, both political and staff wise as well.
主持人: 好的。市长提到了传统治理。你知道,批评人士一直认为,“强市长权力”通过集中权力来破坏民主。因此,David,请您解释一下应该采取哪些保障措施来防止这种情况发生。
Original English
Host: All right. The mayor had mentioned traditional governance. You know, one of the things that critics have been arguing is that the strong mayor powers undermine democracy by concentrating authority. And so, David, help me understand what safeguards should be implemented to help prevent that.
David Arbuckle: 是的。因此,通过“强市长”的实施,我们的成员一直在讨论,你知道,这最终会如何从日常角度影响他们。因此,我们向政府提出的一些建议是:一是取消市长雇佣和解雇 CEO 及高级管理人员的权力。我知道,就像Lindsay提到过的那样,有一些很好的证据支持那种决策。但我们也说过,让我们收紧立法。你知道,我们再次谈到了省政府的优先事项。省政府从未定义过省政府的优先事项。因此,在使用这些权力方面存在一些模糊性。我们看到在许多市政当局中,已经做出了决定,而这些决定是否以任何方式帮助了住房建设,将是一个真正的牵强附会。因此,我们已经讨论过收紧立法。我提到了市长决定与市长指令。收紧这些内容将是有价值的。再说,我不认为我们的成员是。我们一直说的一点是,我们的工作人员可以实施变革。所以他们非常愿意实施变革。所以最终,如果这是一个市长否决权,无论是预算流程,市长都已经很好地阐明了,工作人员可以在这些界限内工作。我认为市长最终必须对公众负责,因为他们所做的那些改变和那些决定与此相关。但工作人员可以实施这些事情。他们无法实施的一件事是,是最终他们的工作和他们的职位。再说,我们会非常强烈地指出,几乎没有证据支持市长可以雇佣和解雇 CEO 或高级工作人员的事实,这最终会对其住房目标数字产生一些影响。
Original English
David Arbuckle: Yeah. So through the strong mayor implementation, our members have been talking a lot about, you know, how it's ultimately impacting them from a day to day perspective. So some of the recommendations we've given to the government, one is to remove the power of the mayor to hire and fire the CEO and senior management staff. I, you know, as Lindsay sort of mentioned, there is, you know, there are some some good evidence to support that, that type of decision making. But we've also said, let's tighten up the legislation. You know, again, we've talked about provincial priorities. The provincial priorities have never been defined by the province. So there is some some ambiguity in relation to the usage of those powers. We've seen in a number of municipalities where decisions have been made, where it would be a real stretch to be able to make a determination of whether or not that is helping housing in any way, shape or form. So we've talked about tightening up the legislation. I mentioned the mayoral decisions versus mayoral directives. Some of that tightening up would be would be of value. Again, I don't think our members are. One of the things we've always said is our staff can implement change. So and they're more than willing to implement change. So ultimately, if it's a mayoral veto veto that's put in, whether it's a budget process, which which the mayor is articulated quite well, staff can work within those those boundaries. I think the mayor ultimately has to be accountable to the public in relation to those changes and those decisions that they've made related to that. But staff can implement those things. One of the things they can't implement is, is ultimately their job and their position. And again, we would very strongly state that there is very little evidence, if any, that supports the fact that a mayor can, can hire and fire a CEO or senior member of staff, and that is ultimately going to have some impact on their housing target numbers.
主持人: Lindsay。我们来谈谈保障措施。
Original English
Host: Lindsay. And talk about safeguards.
Lindsay Jones: 是的。嗯,我的意思是,立法中最成问题的一个要素是市长能够在没有议会多数支持的情况下通过决定的能力。因此,在某些情况下,法规或预算中的要素可以在仅有三分之一议会支持的情况下推进。这从根本上来说是不民主的。因此,我们再次反对了立法的这一要素。我们已要求将其删除。而且我认为我们也会敦促我们的成员不要利用这些条款。
Original English
Lindsay Jones: Yeah. Well, I mean, one of the most problematic elements of the legislation is the ability for the mayor to be able to pass decisions without the support of a majority of council. So there are instances where bylaws or elements in their budget can move forward with just the support of a third of council. And that's, that's, that's fundamentally undemocratic. So we've again, spoken out against that element of the legislation. We've asked that that get removed. And I think that we would also urge our members not to take advantage of those provisions.
《第100号法案》与地方治理的未来
主持人: 好的。市长,我确实想问一下,当我们谈到省级优先事项时,您不仅是市长,还在您的地区担任区域议员,以及由省政府任命的区域主席。我们也将拥有强大的权力。所以我想听听各位的立场。我将从市长开始。您目前对**《第100号法案》**的立场是什么?
Original English
Host: All right. Mayor, I do want to ask, when we talk about provincial priorities, you are not only the mayor, but you also sit as a regional councilor in your area, provincially appointed regional chairs. We'll also have strong powers. And so I want to get, I want to get all of your stances. But I'll start with the mayor. What is your stance on Bill 100 right now?
Natasha Salonen: 是的。所以我再次认为,**《第100号法案》**正试图解决多个地区的一些不同问题,而引入并赋予这种能力和权力可能会成为被充分利用的工具。它们也可能引发问题。我认为我们必须看看选举后会如何发展。不过,我非常希望看到的一点是选票的清晰性。它是否会是民选主席,还是会是任命的。我个人更倾向于在选举前有明确的规定,因为我认为选民不一定会非常关注日常事务。我认为有一些非常投入的人,但也有一些人可能会措手不及,如果省政府决定在社区已经选出担任该职位的人之后再进行任命。
Original English
Natasha Salonen: Yeah. So again, I think Bill 100 is trying to solve multiple problems across a few different regions and bringing in and giving that ability and power forward could be tools that are well utilized. They could also cause problems. I think we'll have to kind of see how that plays out post-election. One thing I'd love to see though, is clarity on the ballot. If it's going to actually be elected chairs or if it's going to be appointed. I personally would prefer clarity prior to the election, because I don't think that necessarily the electorates are really paying that much attention on the day-to-day. I think there's some really engaged folks and there's some that might be caught off guard if the province decides to appoint after the community already elects someone in that role.
主持人: 好的。Lindsay,《第100号法案》。
Original English
Host: All right. Lindsay, Bill 100.
Lindsay Jones: 是的。嗯,再说,有一些潜在的优势,我们也同意需要定期审查和思考地方治理。我们确实有一些相当严重的担忧,那就是当任命的主席拥有强大的主席权力时,会产生问题。因此,这个人不仅不对选民直接负责,而且可能会出现他们否决其区域议会成员的情况,而这些成员是民选的。这再次是根本上不民主的。我们已呼吁省政府从该法案中删除这些要素。
Original English
Lindsay Jones: Yes. Well, again, there are some potential advantages, and we do agree with the need for a review and thinking about local governance in a regular way, where we do have some pretty serious concerns is where you'll have the combination of an appointed chair with those strong chair powers. So not only is this person not directly accountable to the electorate, but you can have situations where in fact they would be overruling members of their regional council who are. And this, again, is fundamentally undemocratic. And we have called on the province to remove those elements from the bill.
主持人: 好的,David,您对这个问题有最后的发言权。
Original English
Host: All right, David, you got the last word on that.
David Arbuckle: 是的。我赞同Lindsay的一些评论。当然,我之前提到的所有问题。所以行政负担方面,决策透明度降低。再说,政治行政界限的划分,或者说模糊化,这些都属于**《第100号法案》**的范畴。但你再加上一个可能不是民选的、由省政府任命的人,他只对省政府负责。这些都是拥有数十亿美元资产的公司,在基础设施、医疗保健、急救人员以及所有这些不同服务方面做出重大决策。最终,你赋予了一个人能够否决——正如Lindsay雄辩地指出的——否决那些在座的民选代表的权力。这确实非常令人担忧,但从工作人员的角度来看,我们强调的所有与“强市长”相关的问题,也都会随之出现在“强主席”身上。
Original English
David Arbuckle: Yeah. And I would echo some of Lindsay's comments. Certainly all of the things that I mentioned previously. So the administrative burden piece, the decreased transparency in relation to decision making that's happening. The again, the divide or the, sorry, the blurring of the political administrative lines, those things all fall into the Bill 100. But then you add on to it someone who may not be elected, who is appointed by the province, whose only accountabilities are to the province. These are multibillion dollar corporations with major decisions being made in relation to infrastructure, healthcare, paramedics, all of those different services. And ultimately, you're giving powers to someone to be able to overrule, as Lindsay eloquently said, overrule elected individuals around that table. It really is overly concerning, but certainly from a staff perspective, all the same issues that we've highlighted in relation to Strong Mayor will also follow the strong chair, please.
主持人: 好的。我们必须就此打住。我知道我们都会密切关注这一切如何发展。Natasha。David,Lindsay,非常感谢你们的时间。非常感谢。
Original English
Host: All right. We are going to have to leave it there. I know we will all have a close eye on how this all plays out. Natasha. David, Lindsay, really appreciate your time. Thank you so much.
Lindsay Jones: 谢谢,谢谢。 David Arbuckle: 谢谢,谢谢。
Original English
Lindsay Jones: Thank you, thank you. David Arbuckle: Thank you, thank you.